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The purpose of this paper is to focus on the perceptions of Qatar’s suitability to act a successful sports event host and, in doing so, look ahead to some of the key organisational challenges facing Qatar leading up to the World Cup in 2022. This paper is framed around the perceptions of nation branding and soft power and draws on the experiences of various key demographics who offer valuable insight into Qatar’s World Cup.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with football journalists, experienced tournament staff and volunteers, football supporters and expatriates working in the Gulf region. The paper is longitudinal in nature, with data collected between January 2010 and June 2018 including seven FIFA and FIFA-affiliated confederation events, namely, the 2011 Asia Cup in Qatar, the 2011 Gold Cup in USA, the 2014 World Cup in Brazil, the 2015 Copa America in Chile, the 2016 European Championships in France, the 2017 African Cup of Nations in Gabon and the 2018 World Cup in Russia.

The paper uncovers several concerns and considerations connected to hosting a first Middle Eastern World Cup in Qatar in 2022. The findings demonstrate some of the key organisational challenges facing the event which were found to include supporter access, security and the fan experience.

This paper examines Qatar in the context of the 2022 World Cup and its connection to soft power and nation branding. This particular event is so significant, not simply because it is the showcase tournament of the globe’s most popular sport from both a spectator and participation perspective, but because it represents such a notable divergence from previous editions. The majority of preceding World Cups have/will be hosted by highly populated countries with relatively developed football traditions and/or infrastructures. As a change to this pattern, the unique position of Qatar’s World Cup renders it as an important case study. This paper, which examines informed perspectives relating to access, security and diplomacy, provides a number of issues for Qatar’s World Cup organisers to consider.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the importance of cross‐communal cooperation and its contribution to peacebuilding and reconciliation in Northern Ireland through the opinions of 752 respondents.

A multivariate analysis of the respondents' opinions was gathered through a Public Opinion Survey (MBU 2006), which addresses the issue of physical separation of the Catholic and Protestant communities in the context of the Northern Ireland peace process.

Findings indicate that religion is a key variable in any discussion of the sustainability of the Northern Ireland peace process in relation to cross‐community initiatives, social and economic integration as well as existing divisions between both communities. Moreover, professional and skilled worker respondents disagreed that the impacts of physical separation between both communities supports the peace process. Catholic Nationalists and respondents from Belfast city and the Western region of Northern Ireland were less likely to perceive the physical separation of both communities as negatively impacting the peace process.

The implication for practice necessitates that the liberal peacebuilding model includes hybrid approaches to harness external economic aid in post‐accord societies that are inclusive of local people, ideas and concerns.

The value of the paper to practitioners and policymakers is that the research on the impact of external economic aid on cross community conflict must include the triangulation of both qualitative and quantitative methods to fully grasp its complexity.

It is believed that more than 120 million women have undergone female genital mutilation (FGM) and more than 2 million young girls are at risk of undergoing FGM. FGM is practiced in different parts of the world. With globalisation and the increased movement of people across the globe, FGM is now a global problem. While ending FGM remains a priority, the approaches and strategies being used have generated contested views across the social divide. The purpose of this study is to explore the challenges in combatting FGM as experienced by Black Sub-Saharan African (BSSA) women in Diaspora.

This qualitative study used a phenomenological approach. Narratives were collected from 40 BSSA women from 20 Sub-Saharan African countries living in the English West Midlands region. A thematic approach underpinned by the four phases of data analysis in the Silences Framework were used to analyse the data.

The research study found that stigmatisation of survivors, utilisation of graphic images in FGM awareness, exclusion of practising communities’ gatekeepers in FGM interventions, conflation of religion and FGM practice and obsession with securing a conviction were obstacles in combating FGM. Diaspora community-driven studies exploring FGM and contested notions in addressing it from women perspectives are scarce.

This study pulls together the experiences of BSSA women and their perspectives on contested notions in combating FGM in the UK. The debate asserts the growing need to consider gender sensitive radical interventions, which involves educating perpetrators and gatekeepers among FGM practising communities.