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Myra Hindley is typically described as an ‘icon of evil’. In the 1960s, Hindley and her boyfriend Ian Brady sexually tortured and murdered at least two girls and three boys, aged between 10 and 17 years, in the Manchester area of the UK. All except one were sexually assaulted. She has provoked a huge amount of public commentary for more than three and a half decades after her conviction. This chapter asks how Hindley's actions were understood and interpreted at the time. Central themes are the concept ‘evil’, sexual violence, pornography, permissive society and patriarchy, as refracted through gender and class.

The purpose of this study is to explore the strength and value-relevance of social capital in an entrepreneurial ecosystem. Entrepreneurial ecosystem (EE) provides a new perspective to explaining the configurations and interactions that shape entrepreneurial outcomes in regions. Research on the nature of interactions in EEs is still an ongoing debate. The authors draw from “organisational fields” studies to critically examine the interactions among actors in a non-transparent EE using the case of the Lagos region.

The methodology is based on a qualitative study of 40 semi-structured interviews with various ecosystem actors in the Lagos region, including financiers, government officials, universities, founders and venture capitalists. Additionally, data from the semi-structured interviews were triangulated with data obtained from a two-day focus group discussion Summit where Lagos’ EE issues were raised. This study analysed both data using thematic analysis.

This study suggests that in a non-transparent EE, four types of interactions are apparent: collaborative, stratified, clustered and unleveraged. Authors argue that in a non-transparent EE, there are blockages and distortions in the flow of resources to entrepreneurs and a higher proportion of entrepreneurs are unable to plug into the ecosystem to extract value for their businesses without a strong social capital.

The authors argue that entrepreneurs require deliberate effort to improve structural and relational social capital to plug into their ecosystem to extract value for their businesses.

The focus on interaction in a non-transparent EE is a novel approach to studying interactions within EEs. In addition, the study is an early attempt to explore entrepreneurial interactions within the Lagos region.

This study aims to examine the attitudes of the Kuwaiti public towards governmental campaigns on social media (GCSM) regarding the country’s Vision 2035. Specifically, it investigates the effect of GCSM on three attitudinal dimensions (i.e. cognitive, emotional and behavioural).

This study is designed using random sampling. Responses from 630 social media users were obtained using a survey questionnaire (Appendix). The results of data analysis indicate that GCSM had a positive impact on the attitudes of participants towards Vision 2035.

Based on the findings, recommendations are outlined to increase the efficiency of GCSM. This study is unique because no other study has examined the attitudes of Kuwaiti citizens towards GCSM or investigated the effects of these campaigns on citizens’ attitudes in terms of cognitive, emotional and behavioural components. The results can assist decision makers in identifying the effectiveness of such campaigns and taking measures accordingly.

This research provides a new evaluation of the role of virtual campaigns in Kuwait. It highlights the crucial and increasing role of virtual campaigns on citizens’ attitudes Towards Kuwait’s Vision 2035, and it found that virtual campaigns should be used as an addendum to conventional political campaigns in Kuwait.

Recent trends in Western civics education have attempted to secure democratic institutions from perceived threats. This paper investigates how political securitisation historically operated within civics textbooks in Australia and Aotearoa, New Zealand. It further evaluates how Māori, Aboriginal and other Indigenous peoples were variably incorporated or marginalised in these educational discourses.

This discourse analysis evaluates a sample of civics textbooks circulated in Australia and New Zealand between 1880 and 1920. These historical sources are interpreted through theories of decoloniality and securitisation.

The sample of textbooks asserted to students that their self-governing colonies required the military protection of the British Empire against undemocratic “threats”. They argued that self-governing colonies strengthened the empire by raising subjects who were loyal to British military interests and ideological values. The authors pedagogically encouraged a governmentality within students that was complementary to military, imperial and democratic service. The hypocritical denial of self-government for many Indigenous peoples was rationalised as a measure of “security” against “native rule” and imperial rivals.

Under a lens of securitisation, the discursive links between imperialism, military service and democratic diligence have not yet been examined in civics textbooks from the historical contexts of Australia and New Zealand. This investigation provides conceptual and pedagogical insights for contemporary civics education in both nations.

The objective to achieve economic growth and sustainable development (SD) within the maritime industry has ever since been the ultimate goal of the International Maritime Organization and its stakeholders. Coupled with this effect, the United Nations organization has also mandated all its bodies to adopt sustainable working policies and practices towards the achievement of SD in its 2030 Agenda. From the standpoint of an emerging economy, this study aims to examine green maritime practices adopted by maritime authorities towards the achievement of SD in the maritime industry of Ghana. The proposed conceptual model of this study supports the natural resource-based view theory advocated by Hart (1995).

The dataset of this study was gathered using semi-structured questionnaires. A total of 635 valid responses were received as feedback which were tested and analyzed using partial least square structural equation modelling. The rationale for the adoption of this analytical tool is its resilient ability to handle a relatively small quantity of datasets. It is also suitable for empirical studies involving model development and at the early stage of theory development.

The findings of the study are as follows; firstly, quality maritime education and training directly and significantly influence green maritime transport (GMT), clean ocean and maritime resource conservation (COMRC), green port operations and services (GPOS), SD and waste management and treatment systems (WMTS). Secondly, GMT, COMRC, GPOS and WMTS have a direct significant influence on SD. Lastly, GMT, COMRC, GPOS and WMTS partially mediate the relationship between quality maritime education and training and SD.

This study proposes a conceptual model that attempts to explain to maritime authorities and stakeholders that although the adoption of green maritime practices significantly influences SD, yet, it may be insufficient without quality maritime education and training provided to maritime professionals. Hence, emphasizing that all maritime personnel receive quality maritime education and training to enhance the long-term achievement of SD in the maritime industry. It also attempts to prove and suggest to maritime authorities how they can collectively integrate both onshore and offshore green maritime practices to achieve SD.

The originality of this study shows in testing a conceptual model that affirms that, achieving SD in the maritime industry is dependent on quality maritime education and training received by maritime personnel, hence, demonstrating the significant role of maritime training institutions towards the maritime industry and the achievement of SD.

Identifying the best predictors of environmental citizenship behavior (ECB) has been a major concern of both researchers and educators aimed at protecting environmental quality and sustain person-environment transactions. This study aims to examine the unique contribution of personality traits and self-efficacy beliefs to the ECB of university youth in Sri Lanka.

Quantitative research approach used. The internet-based survey method was used to collect data from undergraduates studying at six state universities and two nonstate universities. The measurement items of five personality traits, ECB and academic self-efficacy were adopted on established scales from the literature.

Multiple regression results revealed that the personality traits of extraversion, agreeableness and openness to experience, as well as academic self-efficacy, are significant predictors of ECB. Extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness and openness to experience significantly influenced academic self-efficacy. Model 6 of the PROCESS macro results indicated that academic self-efficacy partially mediated the contribution of extraversion, agreeableness and openness to experience traits to ECB.

These findings have broad implications for interventions aimed at enhancing youth environmental behavior. Whereas personality traits represent stable individual characteristics that mostly derive from individual hereditary endowment.

The study showed a holistic approach in explaining ECB that combined both personality traits and self-efficacy beliefs, indicating that they are interrelated and should not be treated in isolation.

This paper investigates whether democracy plays a mediating role in the relationship between foreign direct investment (FDI) and inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).

The empirical analysis is conducted using fixed effects and system GMM (Generalised Method of Moments) on a panel of 38 Sub-Saharan African countries covering the period of 1990–2018.

The results find that FDI has no direct effect on inequality whereas democracy reduces inequality directly in both the short run and the long run. The sensitivity analyses find that democracy improves equality regardless of the magnitude of FDI, resource endowment or democratic deepening whereas FDI only reduces inequality once a moderate level of democracy has been achieved.

The results discussed above thus have four policy implications. First, these results show that although democracy has inequality reducing benefits, SSA is unlikely to significantly reduce inequality unless the region purposefully diversifies its trade and FDI away from natural resources. Second, the region should continue to expand credit access to reduce inequality and attract FDI. Third, policymakers should undertake reforms that will reduce youth inequality. Lastly, the region should focus on long-run democratic reforms rather than on short-run democratization to improve governance and investor confidence.

Although there are existing studies that examine the association between FDI and inequality, FDI and democracy and democracy and inequality, this is the first study to explicitly examine the effect of democracy on the association between FDI and inequality in SSA, and the first study to separately consider the possible varied effects of contemporaneous democratization versus the long-run accumulation of democratic capital. In addition, rather than measure inequality by income alone, this study uses the more appropriate Human Development Index to account for SSA's sociological, education and income disparities.