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The purpose of this paper is to describe and discuss the pilot Making Safeguarding Personal (MSP) project that ran in three London boroughs in England in 2014-2015. The project aimed to help local authority social work practitioners better engage with adults at risk at the beginning, middle and end of safeguarding work and to develop a more outcomes focused approach to safeguarding.

Three adult social care teams volunteered to take part in the MSP pilot for four months, November 2014-February 2015. They were closely supported through telephone conferencing, bespoke training and individual mentoring. Evaluative data were collected from the participating teams about their work and the MSP change processes to assist in further implementation.

The findings suggested that staff felt that the open discussions with adults at risk that were encouraged by the MSP initiative enabled safeguarding to be more effective and provided a better basis of support for adults at risk. The support from the project team was appreciated. Staff reported their own increased confidence as a result of involving adults at risk in decisions about their situations and risks of harm. They also reported their increased awareness of cross-cutting subjects related to adult safeguarding, such as domestic abuse and working with coercive and controlling behaviours. Permission to exercise greater professional discretion to make responses more considered, rather than the need to adhere to time-limited imperatives, was received positively. Staff felt that this enhanced discussions about resolution and recovery with adults at risk although it required greater expertise, more extensive managerial support, and more time. These were available in the pilot.

The MSP pilot was confined to three teams and took place over four months. The numerical data reported in this paper are provided for illustrative purposes and are not statistically significant. As with other evaluations of implementation, the data provided need to be set in the local contexts of population profiles, care settings and the reporting source. The pilot also took place during the early implementation of the Care Act 2014 which affected the context of practice and training. The views of adults at risk were not collected. There is a risk of bias in that participants may have wished to convey positive views of MSP to their colleagues.

The paper indicates a need for the roll out of MSP philosophy and MSP approaches to be communicated with other agencies supporting adults at risk and for project support of some form to continue. It will be important to see if the overall enthusiasm, support and motivation reported by the pilot teams when taking a MSP approach in practice extend beyond a pilot period during which the staff received substantial support from a dedicated Professional Standards Safeguarding Team. Many of those staff participating in the pilot perceived the MSP approach as a return to core social work principles and welcomed putting these into practice.

The paper provides details of one pilot in which the feasibility of the MSP approach was tested by supporting three frontline teams working in different contexts. The pilot suggests that the level and type of support offered to the pilot teams were effective in a variety of practice settings. It draws attention to the need for the MSP concept and approach to be shared with other agencies and for implementation support to continue beyond initial pilot period.

Like many of his generation George George, the director of Auckland’s Seddon Memorial Technical College (1902‐22), considered marriage and motherhood as women’s true vocation and believed in separate but equal education for girls that included some domestic training. In this regard, New Zealand historians often cite him as an advocate for the cult of domesticity, a prescriptive ideology that came to be reflected in the government’s education policy during this period. But as Joanne Scott, Catherine Manathunga and Noeline Kyle have demonstrated with regard to technical education in Queensland, rhetoric does not always match institutional practice. Other factors, most notably student demand, but also more pragmatic concerns such as the availability of accommodation, staffing and specialist equipment, can shape the curriculum. Closer scrutiny of surviving institutional records such as prospectuses, enrolment data and the director’s reports to the Department of Education, allow us to explore more fully who was given access to particular kinds of knowledge and resources, how long a particular course might take, the choices students made, what was commonplace and what was unusual, and what students might expect once they completed their studies.

There are explicit calls for research devoted to how political actors present their brand to the electorate and how this is interpreted. Responding to this, the purpose of this paper is to build an understanding of how political brand messages and values are received and aligned with voter expectations, which in turn shapes the consistency of a political brand.

Using an interpretivist perspective, this two-stage approach first focuses on semi-structured interviews with internal stakeholders of the UK Conservative Party and second uses focus group discussions with external stakeholders (voters) of age 18-24 years. Data was collected between 1 December 2014 and 6 May 2015.

The findings suggest that the UK Conservative brand had recovered from the “nasty party” reputation. Further, the Conservative brand was perceived as credible, trustworthy and responsible, with positive associations of “economic competence”. However, while the nasty party imagery has declined, the UK Conservative brand continues to face challenges particularly in terms of longstanding negative associations perceived by both internal and external markets.

It must be acknowledged that all research methods have their own limitations, and acknowledging these will strengthen the ability to draw conclusions. In this study, for example, due to time constraints during the election campaign period, 7 participants supported stage one of the study and 25 participants supported stage two of the study. However, participants from stage one of the study represented all three elements of the UK Conservative Party (Parliamentary, Professional and Voluntary). In addition, the elite interviews were longer in duration and this provided a greater opportunity to capture detailed stories of their life experiences and how this affected their brand relationship. Similarly, participants for stage two focussed on young voters of age 18-24 years, a segment actively targeted by the UK Conservative Party.

The brand alignment framework can help practitioners illuminate components of the political brand and how it is interpreted by the electorate. The increasing polarisation in politics has made this a vital area for study, as we see need to understand if, how or why citizens are persuaded by a more polarised brand message. There are also social media issues for the political brand which can distort the carefully constructed brand. There are opportunities to evaluate and operationalize this framework in other political contexts.

The brand alignment model extends current branding theory first by building on an understanding of the complexities of creating brand meaning, second, by operationalizing differences between the brand and how it is interpreted by the electorate, finally, by identifying if internal divisions within the political party pose a threat to the consistency of the brand.

Attachment has long been considered relevant to child care proceedings. However, compared to other forms of evidence, it has been limited by the lack of consistent methods of assessment, training of experts, and empirical evidence. To reduce these limitations, The International Association for the Study of Attachment (IASA) has developed a Family Attachment Court Protocol for assessment and formulation of attachment issues. The purpose of the Protocol is to act as a guide to good practice and to begin a process of improving the application of attachment to family court proceedings.

The Dynamic-Maturational Model of Attachment and Adaptation (DMM) and its associated assessments were adapted for forensic use. The resulting Family Attachment Court Protocol was trialed in cases before 15 judges in five countries and modified based on feedback.

The judges and most of the professionals working for the court expressed approval of the new Protocol.

Implementation of the Protocol will require additional authorised experts.

The primary practical implication is that the courts will receive verifiable evidence on attachment can be tested and, thus, validated or disproven.

If accepted, the IASA Protocol will reduce the idiosyncratic nature of child care proceedings and increase the rigour of professional qualification to address attachment.

The IASA Protocol is new and valuable because its theoretical underpinnings in the DMM are based on both clinical and also neurological evidence about protection from danger, and it can replace untestable expert opinion about attachment with evidence-based assessment and transparent formulation of recommendations.

This paper aims to derive insights about optimal managerial compensation and firm capital structure in unionized firms.

This paper uses applied game theory to address problems of CEO motivation in companies with unionized workforces.

Managers can use high levels of debt and costly bankruptcy to win wage concessions from workers. Alternatively, workers can obstruct management in the detection of poor work. CEO compensation that encourages rent sharing may reduce union hostility and associated deadweight losses. Shareholder value may be maximized by CEO incentive contracts with limited upsides, lower levels of pay, and some entrenchment protections.

This is the only study to use applied game theory to look at how CEO pay and capital structure affects the productivity of a unionized workforce.

Questions why the analysis of class is being overlooked in the sociological mainstream. Presents some symptoms of this development followed by an evaluation. Suggests some new directions for class research which could appeal to younger researchers. Advocates work in this area to bridge the lack of information now available.

The creation and development of candidate-politician brands, otherwise known as political co-brands, remains an under-researched area of study. This is supported by calls for more understanding on political co-brands and how they are positioned and managed by their creators. Framed by the concepts of internal brand identity and co-branding, this paper aims to investigate how political co-brand identity is constructed and managed over time, exploring alignment between the political co-brand and political corporate party brand.

An interpretivist revelatory multi-case study approach, using in-depth interviews, was conducted with three political co-brands (candidates-politicians) from the UK Conservative Party. The three cases represented constituencies across the UK from the North, Midlands and South of the country. The in-depth elite interviews were conducted July 2015 to September 2015. Methodological triangulation was also adopted to assess the coherency of emerging themes with online and offline materials and documents. A two-stage thematic analytical approach was used to interpret the findings.

This multiple case study demonstrates how successful political co-brands create and develop identities tailored to their constituency, often distinct from the corporate political brand and developed several years before electoral success at the ballot box. In addition, this study reveals that political co-brands are dichotomous in terms of strategically managing a degree of alignment with the corporate political brand yet maintaining a degree of independence.

This study builds on limited existing concepts such as co-branding and political brand identity as a means of critical application. Existing research on co-branding remains a “relatively limited” and complex area of study and generally focuses on fictitious brands. Political brand identity remains an under-researched area. This in turn supports the development and advancement of political branding as an area of study. This paper highlights the opportunities of using the strategic approach of co-branding to help conceptualise “candidates-politicians” as political brands’ which up until now, “candidate-politician brands” have been difficult to define unlike the extensive research on corporate political brands.

This study has implications for practice too. Organisations and different typologies of political brands will be able to use this political co-brand identity framework as a diagnostic mechanism to investigate their co-brands current identity, assess alignment and make strategic changes or reposition the envisaged identity if desired. Similarly, organisations can use this framework, key dimensions and factors as a blueprint to design and build new political brands at a corporate and/or local level.

This study has implications for brands beyond the world of politics. Brands can adopt the political co-brand identity framework developed in this study as a pragmatic tool to investigate internally created co-brand identity and explore alignment with the corporate party brand identity. In addition, this research adds to the limited research on non-fictitious co-brands and co-branding literature at large and addresses the calls for more research on brand identity in new settings.

This study aims to investigate the implications of applying critical realism to the study of organizational learning. It considers critical realism as an alternate theoretical science foundation to the domains of empirical realism and social constructivism that characterize most of the field of organizational learning.

This study adopts the approach of a philosophical/conceptual discussion.

This study finds that the critical realist approach makes it possible for organizational learning researchers to apply a prescriptive change agenda. It requires researchers to study the context in which organizational learning occurs. These two features enable the researcher to propose what the world must be like for organizational learning to occur. Hence, a critical realist foundation moves organizational learning theory a step closer to its theoretical sibling, the learning organization.

This study reveals the potential in applying critical realism to the study of organizational learning and identifies its related strengths.

The purpose of this paper is to undertake a systematic literature review to appraise the current evidence relating to the factors associated with violence and aggression in adult psychiatric hospital inpatient settings.

A systematic search of following four databases was conducted: Scopus, PsychINFO Medline, CIHAHL and PsychArticle. Following the application of the inclusion criteria, ten papers were extracted and included in the review. A quality appraisal tool, Mixed Methods Appraisal Tool (MMAT) version 2011 (Pluye et al., 2011), was employed for the appraisal of the qualitative and quantitative studies. MMAT has been designed for systematic literature reviews that include qualitative, quantitative and mixed methods studies. Of these, eight were of quantitative methodology and two were of qualitative studies.

These ten papers provide an insight into factors associated with violence and aggression towards nursing staff. Three main themes were identified: the environment, attitudes/interaction of staff, and the patient’s mental illness. The themes were important factors in the causes of violence but were interlinked highlighting the complex nature of violence towards nursing staff. The findings support the need for training for nursing staff and the development of ongoing support and for organisations to consider both the environment and the restrictive procedures to help reduce violence and aggression towards nursing staff.

The paper concludes by outlining the importance of considering the three main themes for clinical practice, training and development of secure services.

This paper gives insight into the factors associated with patient violence and aggression towards nursing staff in a secure setting.

Mobile handheld devices, such as cellular phones and personal digital assistants, are inherently small and lack an intuitive and natural user interface. Speech recognition and synthesis technology can be used in mobile handheld devices to improve the user experience. The purpose of this paper is to describe a prototype system that supports multiple speech‐enabled applications in a mobile handheld device.

The main component of the system, the Program Manager, coordinates and controls the speech‐enabled applications. Human speech requests to, and responses from, these applications are processed in the mobile handheld device, to achieve the goal of human‐like interactions between the human and the device. In addition to speech, the system also supports graphics and text, i.e., multimodal input and output, for greater usability, flexibility, adaptivity, accuracy, and robustness. The paper presents a qualitative and quantitative evaluation of the prototype system. The Program Manager is currently designed to handle the specific speech‐enabled applications that we developed.

The paper determines that many human interactions involve not single applications but multiple applications working together in possibly unanticipated ways.

Future work includes generalization of the Program Manager so that it supports arbitrary applications and the addition of new applications dynamically. Future work also includes deployment of the Program Manager and the applications on cellular phones running the Android Platform or the Openmoko Framework.

This paper presents a first step towards a future human interface for mobile handheld devices and for speech‐enabled applications operating on those devices.