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During COVID-19, Maudsley Simulation successfully pivoted to fully online delivery of simulation-based education (SBE) in mental health. In migrating digitally, the simulation faculty experienced a range of new phenomena and challenges. The authors’ experiences may be transferable to other specialities and for other educator groups. By sharing the authors’ experiences, this study aims to support others adapt to online SBE.

This piece represents the authors’ collective reflections on the challenges of adapting their facilitation skills to the online environment. It also offers various suggestions on how to improve the learner experience in view of these challenges.

Beyond merely platform orientation and operating procedure familiarisation, the team gained insights into ensuring optimal learning, engagement and participant experience during online deliveries. Delivery of online SBE brings several potential barriers to psychological safety and these warrant careful consideration by experienced simulationists.

Optimising participant engagement and psychological safety remain key considerations despite this novel medium. Facilitators must be willing to adapt accordingly to begin delivering high-quality online SBE.

From their experience, facilitators must reframe their debriefing expectations and adjust how they engage participants and manage group dynamics given the inherently different nature of this new learning environment.

States that, despite what many a business school's curriculum or management consultant's product may suggest, management does not fit easily into discrete packages. Posits partnering brings all the benefits of collaborative working, agreed objectives, mutual learning, creativity and innovation, as well as greater efficiency and effectiveness. Looks at how BA, Heinz, Campbell's, Lloyds TSB, Nike, Sun Microsystems, and Virgin operate and their individual styles. Sums up, that as more companies develop new found cross‐boundary management skills and previously unlikely partners form unlikely alliances, perhaps it should be stated that a deal is a deal — not a strategy.

The purpose of this paper is to document and explore the perceptual motivations for voluntary and continued affiliation with a fitness industry register by its affiliates (“members”) and non-affiliates (“non-members”). The formation of fitness industry registers to impart self-regulation is a common global occurrence. Their sustainment, however, is reliant on the motivations and voluntary support of industry members. Limited work has been done in this area.

This qualitative study uses the interpretive research paradigm, involving semi-structured interviews with 12 Auckland, New Zealand, fitness centre managers, industry associations, New Zealand Register of Exercise Professionals (Reps NZ) and Fitness New Zealand. Lenox’s (2006) participation-contingent benefits framework provides the necessary lens to explore the perceptual motivations behind participation/non-participation by fitness centres with an industry self-regulatory system (i.e. Reps NZ).

Whereas participation-contingent benefits are perceived minimal, and exceeded by affiliation limitations, there is institutional congruence for industry regulation to exist, thus creating institutional pressures that encourage affiliation and retention. Whereas affiliates choose to absorb the associated inconveniences of affiliation to “support” Reps NZ, non-affiliates question the register’s regulatory form, choosing to avoid the affiliation costs and limitations.

This study lends further support that institutional development is crucial for inclusive, substantive and sustainable self-regulatory systems. Regardless of the perceived low return on participation-contingent benefits, industry self-regulation can be sustained if there is a desire by industry members to maintain the institutional notion that the regulation needs to exist.

There are explicit calls for research devoted to how political actors present their brand to the electorate and how this is interpreted. Responding to this, the purpose of this paper is to build an understanding of how political brand messages and values are received and aligned with voter expectations, which in turn shapes the consistency of a political brand.

Using an interpretivist perspective, this two-stage approach first focuses on semi-structured interviews with internal stakeholders of the UK Conservative Party and second uses focus group discussions with external stakeholders (voters) of age 18-24 years. Data was collected between 1 December 2014 and 6 May 2015.

The findings suggest that the UK Conservative brand had recovered from the “nasty party” reputation. Further, the Conservative brand was perceived as credible, trustworthy and responsible, with positive associations of “economic competence”. However, while the nasty party imagery has declined, the UK Conservative brand continues to face challenges particularly in terms of longstanding negative associations perceived by both internal and external markets.

It must be acknowledged that all research methods have their own limitations, and acknowledging these will strengthen the ability to draw conclusions. In this study, for example, due to time constraints during the election campaign period, 7 participants supported stage one of the study and 25 participants supported stage two of the study. However, participants from stage one of the study represented all three elements of the UK Conservative Party (Parliamentary, Professional and Voluntary). In addition, the elite interviews were longer in duration and this provided a greater opportunity to capture detailed stories of their life experiences and how this affected their brand relationship. Similarly, participants for stage two focussed on young voters of age 18-24 years, a segment actively targeted by the UK Conservative Party.

The brand alignment framework can help practitioners illuminate components of the political brand and how it is interpreted by the electorate. The increasing polarisation in politics has made this a vital area for study, as we see need to understand if, how or why citizens are persuaded by a more polarised brand message. There are also social media issues for the political brand which can distort the carefully constructed brand. There are opportunities to evaluate and operationalize this framework in other political contexts.

The brand alignment model extends current branding theory first by building on an understanding of the complexities of creating brand meaning, second, by operationalizing differences between the brand and how it is interpreted by the electorate, finally, by identifying if internal divisions within the political party pose a threat to the consistency of the brand.

The creation and development of candidate-politician brands, otherwise known as political co-brands, remains an under-researched area of study. This is supported by calls for more understanding on political co-brands and how they are positioned and managed by their creators. Framed by the concepts of internal brand identity and co-branding, this paper aims to investigate how political co-brand identity is constructed and managed over time, exploring alignment between the political co-brand and political corporate party brand.

An interpretivist revelatory multi-case study approach, using in-depth interviews, was conducted with three political co-brands (candidates-politicians) from the UK Conservative Party. The three cases represented constituencies across the UK from the North, Midlands and South of the country. The in-depth elite interviews were conducted July 2015 to September 2015. Methodological triangulation was also adopted to assess the coherency of emerging themes with online and offline materials and documents. A two-stage thematic analytical approach was used to interpret the findings.

This multiple case study demonstrates how successful political co-brands create and develop identities tailored to their constituency, often distinct from the corporate political brand and developed several years before electoral success at the ballot box. In addition, this study reveals that political co-brands are dichotomous in terms of strategically managing a degree of alignment with the corporate political brand yet maintaining a degree of independence.

This study builds on limited existing concepts such as co-branding and political brand identity as a means of critical application. Existing research on co-branding remains a “relatively limited” and complex area of study and generally focuses on fictitious brands. Political brand identity remains an under-researched area. This in turn supports the development and advancement of political branding as an area of study. This paper highlights the opportunities of using the strategic approach of co-branding to help conceptualise “candidates-politicians” as political brands’ which up until now, “candidate-politician brands” have been difficult to define unlike the extensive research on corporate political brands.

This study has implications for practice too. Organisations and different typologies of political brands will be able to use this political co-brand identity framework as a diagnostic mechanism to investigate their co-brands current identity, assess alignment and make strategic changes or reposition the envisaged identity if desired. Similarly, organisations can use this framework, key dimensions and factors as a blueprint to design and build new political brands at a corporate and/or local level.

This study has implications for brands beyond the world of politics. Brands can adopt the political co-brand identity framework developed in this study as a pragmatic tool to investigate internally created co-brand identity and explore alignment with the corporate party brand identity. In addition, this research adds to the limited research on non-fictitious co-brands and co-branding literature at large and addresses the calls for more research on brand identity in new settings.

The curvilinear shape of a bond price‐yield curve implies that risk management based on a linear approximation using duration is only viable for very small changes in interest rates. Not accounting for convexity when there are large yield changes can result in critical errors in measuring or hedging interest rate risk. The linear approximations will under‐or overestimate the value at risk (VaR) for non‐linear financial instruments. Nonlinearity can be particularly problematic if there are large changes in market risk factors. The large changes are more likely to occur when VaR is computed for high confidence levels and/or longer time horizons. Even if the movements in risk factors are small, estimation errors in VaR would get larger as the degree of non‐linearity in financial instruments increases.

Once ISO 9000 has been achieved, it is important that customers and potential customers should be aware of this. The best way to do this is to get it into print. Lloyd’s Register Quality Assurance (LRQA) has produced a guide to achieving maximum and cost‐effective press coverage. Discusses the best presentation format, and advises about photographic material and how to target the most appropriate publications.

The purpose of this paper is to examine responses by police and Adult Social Care to honour based abuse (HBA) victims who have a diagnosed or perceived vulnerability, such as a physical disability or mental health issue. The aim is to improve professional practice in ensuring vulnerable victims are safeguarded.

Findings are drawn from 100 HBA investigations (2012-2014) derived from classified police electronic records and interviews with 15, predominantly specialist, public protection police officers in one UK force.

HBA against vulnerable adults is an obscure crime area. In cases of diagnosed vulnerability (3 per cent), police officers wrongly attributed “freewill” and choice to vulnerable adults who legally lacked the capacity to consent to marriage. Conversely, in 9 per cent of cases where victims were depressed and/or self-harming, perpetrators exaggerated the poor mental health of victims in order to discredit them to law enforcement. Professionals illogically latched onto perpetrator explanations and in turn undermined and problematised the victims.

There is limited access to data on vulnerable adult abuse, making this an under researched area of crime.

Failing to undertake risk assessments, or record whether the victim is legally vulnerable should lead to a review of police practice. An evaluation of joint working arrangements is necessary concerning which agency (police or Adult Social Care) should take primacy.

Vulnerable adult victims were retained in risk predicaments alongside perpetrating family members.

Police officers suggesting vulnerable adults can “consent” to marriage is a new concept, along with issues of goal displacement which illustrates avoidance behaviours by professionals and under protection by the state.

The purpose of this paper is to address an emerging international debate about the involvement of females in perpetrating honour-based abuse (HBA). Presenting new empirical data, this study profiles the different roles played by women, discussing them in relation to gender and their relationships to victims, and argues that acknowledgement of female perpetrators does not fundamentally challenge a gendered interpretation of HBA.

Some 1,474 case files flagged as HBA were gathered from one police force in Southern England and 50 domestic abuse agencies across England and Wales. Descriptive statistics explored which victim, perpetrator and abuse characteristics were associated with female perpetration. Case narratives were thematically analysed to profile the different roles females played. Findings were explored in eight key informant interviews with caseworkers from the services data came from.

This paper finds that: females are more involved in perpetrating HBA than other forms of domestic abuse, but primary perpetrators are still mostly male; victims are overwhelmingly female; the context for abuse is the maintenance of patriarchal values on gender roles; female perpetrator roles vary, meriting further exploration; and female perpetrators can be conceptualised within a gendered framework.

This paper presents important new empirical data to advance the debate on the role of women in perpetrating HBA. It will be of interest to academics, researchers, policy-makers, and practitioners alike.

This study aims to develop a price policy for fossil fuel consumption, as it is an effective instrument to manage the demand-side of energy economics.

This research estimates the demand elasticities of diesel, gasoline, fuel oil and kerosene by using static, dynamic and error-correction models in log-linear form.

The findings show that fossil fuel demand responds to price changes less than income changes, as fuel price is inelastic, but income is elastic. In that respect, the impact of price change decreases constantly with increasing energy price, followed by subsidy reform. Subsidy removal and price policy reformation is the UN recommendation for subsidizing countries, including Iran, to reduce fossil fuel consumption, whose intensity depends on the price elasticities.

As a result of this price policy, diesel, gasoline and liquefied petroleum gas prices should increase at least 1.8%–7.3%, 4.4%–6.4% and 7%–8.6%, respectively, and gradually within 2018–2030. The price policy improves all the pillars of sustainable development, including economy, environment and social (health). Overall, such a target can potentially save 3%–29% of diesel, 34%–56% of gasoline and 15%–20% of liquefied petroleum gas, as well as reduce 15%–40% of CO₂ emissions annually, and can save potentially more than 510,000 lives annually. Thus, the energy price policy can fundamentally improve sustainability.

The estimated elasticities outline the required prices to decrease the fossil fuels, according to the UN mitigation targets, as price policy recommendation.