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Do business owners hold capitalist beliefs – relative to non-business owners? Using Latinobarómetro survey in Latin America, we find that business owners tend to see the market economy as the only system by which a country can become developed. They also tend to give a lower rank to Fidel Castro, and tend to believe that sole private investment in sectors like hospitals and pensions are good for the country to develop as soon as possible. But, business owners do not see foreign capital as good in industries such as mining, electronics, household appliances, automobile, telecommunication services, and infrastructure. They also do not see foreign investment as beneficial for economic development of the country. In addition, they are less willing to adopt some new technologies.

The goal of this paper is to study the factors that determine individuals' beliefs about robots in Latin America. The authors highlight the role of interpersonal trust in shaping these beliefs.

The authors use data from 2018 Latinobarómetro survey in 18 Latin American countries. The analysis includes an empirical strategy that reduces overt bias and weighs hidden bias.

Robots are not generally supported or positively perceived in Latin America. However, people are less negative about robots when they (1) trust others, (2) are male, (3) are single, (4) are more educated, (5) support democracy and (6) favor free imports. Interpersonal trust is the most consistent covariate. The results provide support to the idea that trusting robots can be the result of trusting humans working in the technological sector (Coeckelbergh, 2012).

This study faces some limitations. The first one relates to the standard caveats associated with the use of survey data – interviewees may not express their true beliefs. Another limitation is that this study examines data for only one year (the 2018 Latinobarómetro survey). Finally, although propensity score matching allow to control for endogeneity due to observable characteristics and the authors perform a sensitivity test regarding hidden characteristics, the nature of the data does not allow to guarantee that there is a causal effect from interpersonal trust to beliefs about robots.

The authors find that the positive relationship between trust and beliefs about robots is particularly strong in the area of health. Medical companies could consider these findings when designing and promoting robots.

Negative views about robots may delay the adoption of new technology in the region. To facilitate the adoption of new technologies, stakeholders should pay attention to the prevalent levels of interpersonal trust in society. This is especially important in developing countries.

To the authors’ knowledge this is the first study that empirically links beliefs about robots and interpersonal trust.

The purpose of this paper is to assess whether a difference or mismatch between individual political ideology and predominant political views in society is a significant determinant of the intention to migrate in Latin American countries.

The authors use data from the 2018 Latinobarómetro Survey and conduct logit regressions using intention to migrate as the dependent variable and political ideology mismatch as the independent variable. The authors control for a large set of demographic, economic, and social variables. The authors also conduct Propensity Score Matching to control for potential endogenous effects produced by observable characteristics as well as a commonly used sensitivity analysis known as Rosenbaum's bounding approach.

The authors find that political ideology mismatch is a significant determinant of the intention to migrate in Latin American countries but not symmetrically. The authors find that positioning to the right of predominant views in society is associated with voicing an intention to migrate, but positioning to the left of those views is not.

Not much has been said about the role of individual political ideology as a push migrating factor. The paper contributes to fill that gap. The paper also contributes to the discussion about the political ideology of Latin American immigrants and how that ideology may have an effect on internal politics in the host countries.

The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-01-2022-0028.

Previous studies have focused on individual preferences regarding trade liberalization without considering an individual’s perceptions of income inequality. This study aims to utilize the 2007 Latinobarametro to test a hypothesis regarding the relationship between an individual’s perceived income inequality and their support for trade liberalization in their country. The authors focus primarily on Latin America, as it is a region that has a long, entrenched tradition of income inequality with far reaching political and economic consequences. It is also a region that is relatively new to trade liberalization, as it only began to open up in the 1980s, after a decade-long commitment to import substitution industrialization.

The authors utilize a logit model to analyze the 2007 Latinobarametro data to test the hypothesis.

The authors find that individuals who perceive income inequality to be fair in their country are more likely to support trade liberalization, whereas those who perceive income inequality to be unfair are less likely to support liberalization.

This study allows for a more complete portrait of what influences individual preferences toward trade policy and advocates for policy elites to be more responsive to their citizens’ concerns about trade liberalization.

The purpose of this paper is to theorize the heightened exposure to information via the internet can lead citizens to be more critical about political conditions in their countries because using social media increases the likelihood of being exposed to dissident information. Further, the authors argue that the degree to which information is restricted, or internet access is limited, across countries can decrease this effect simply because the likelihood of exposure to a dissident flow is diminished.

The authors used survey data from the 2010 Latino Barometer to estimate a series of multilevel models to test whether citizens’ attitudes about the political conditions and about democracy in their respective countries worsen, and whether this effect is stronger in countries with higher internet freedom.

The results confirm that social media use has a negative influence on citizens’ attitudes about their national political conditions. In addition, respondents from those countries with more internet freedom tended to have more positive attitudes about their democracy and political conditions, generally. However, as a result of more internet freedom, the negative effects of internet and social media use on these attitudes was more pronounced in countries with more internet freedom.

These results suggest that the flow of information via the internet has substantial effect on how people feel about their government. This could be consequential for political stability, particularly in countries the conditions are not favorable. That said, these results also suggest that governments can actively decrease the odds of this dissidence building by controlling the flow of information.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the influence of formal rules such as business regulation and rule of law on the level of formal entrepreneurship in Latin America countries over time.

The authors use the panel regression techniques to examine the influence of business regulation and rule of law on formal entrepreneurship. In particular, they implement together two alternative views of formal entrepreneurship suggested in the literature: the “dual” and “legalistic” view. At the empirical level, the “dual” definition corresponds to the business owners’ rate. As for the “legal” definition, it corresponds to the business registration rate. The evidence presented is based on two panels. The first panel covers the period 2004–2015, and the data set contains 180 observations in 18 countries. The second panel covers the period 2006–2015, and the data set contains 134 observations in 14 countries.

The impact of institutional variables on formal entrepreneurship depends on the definition employed: “dual” or “legal.” Thus, the results suggest that business owners’ rate is more substantial in Latin American countries that have weak property rights. Conversely, from a legal definition, the business registration rate is more significant in Latin American countries that have most secure property rights and fewer labor regulations. These contradictory results suggest that the legal definition of formal entrepreneurship, but not the dual definition, seems to be associated with the type of entrepreneurial activity that promotes economic growth and development.

The results support the importance of conducting analyzes that take into account the different types of entrepreneurial activities that are present in an economy, and in addition the relevance of understanding what each measure is capturing of the heterogeneous phenomenon of entrepreneurship.

The results suggest that the entrepreneurship policy should focus on the quality of entrepreneurship, rather than merely seeking to increase the number of new businesses. Additionally, the results suggest that the legalistic definition of formal entrepreneurship is probably the most relevant for many policy issues.

The paper analyzes together two alternative views of formal entrepreneurship suggested in the literature: the “dual” and “legalistic” views. Also, the paper has used the Latinobarómetro data set, which has not been extensively used by scholars in the field of entrepreneurship and which could be useful for longitudinal research on entrepreneurial activity in Latin American countries.

The purpose of this paper is to develop an overview of the phenomenon of corruption in Latin America and to propose a synthetic aggregate indicator to compress most of the statistical information available on corruption for Latin American countries.

The indicator of corruption has been obtained through factor analysis by applying the principal component methodology.

The authors have managed to obtain a single component that reproduces and synthesizes 86 per cent of all the information about corruption in Latin America gathered by prestigious institutions.

The authors are aware that their study is not free from limitations. The first limitation is associated with the impossibility of incorporating information related to the phenomenon of corruption from the indicator called Latinobarómetro, as the economies of Cuba and Haiti (included in this research) are not part of the sample analyzed by that indicator. Second, this study reproduces and synthesizes 86 per cent of all available information by prestigious institutions about corruption in Latin America, and although this percentage is significant, it does not constitute 100 per cent.

This study has created a new indicator that gathers methodologies to measure corruption in Latin American countries.