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Given the prevalence of protecting geoheritage tourism sites, Ladakh has enormous potential. However, Ladakh’s potential and developments in its growth as a geotourism destination have received scant consideration. As such, this paper aims to explore Ladakh’s key drivers as a potential geotourism destination through cognitive dissonance and protection motivation theories.

This paper conducted in-depth interviews with 86 geoscientists and tourism professionals to assess Ladakh’s potential as a geotourism destination. This paper used a qualitative approach to congregate four constructs based on the image difference of the consensus map.

Because of the interviewees’ heterogeneity and uniqueness, meaningful constructs in the consensus were included for each figure and cloud words. This paper concluded that four drivers are the main forces behind geotourism development.

This paper explores the drivers – geotourism services, legislative requirements, experiential geotourism and SPARC (scientific, preservation, aesthetic, recreational, cultural) values – affecting geotourism in Ladakh. It is feasible to lessen the negative effects of overtourism and make sure that Ladakh’s distinctive nature is preserved for future generations by implementing sustainable tourism practices.

Ladakh is an isolated arid environment in the Western Himalayas whose population relies mainly on glacial melt water. If the predicted adverse impacts of climate change occur, rising temperatures would accelerate the retreat of glaciers and place immense stress on the traditional Ladakhi agriculture and way of life. Very few studies in hydrology and glaciology currently document physical processes happening in Ladakh and only one project has combined climate data based upon measurements of temperature and precipitation, collected by the Indian Air Force in Leh town, and perceptions of local communities in order to explore the potential impacts of climate change in the area. This information constitutes the basis for climate change-related interventions of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), both local and international, and could help inform any future climate modeling. However, the quality of this data can be questioned on several points, it terms of accuracy, availability and, most importantly, usefulness. Moreover, this chapter discusses the relevance of this kind of data when the focus is placed upon the adaptation of local communities to global environmental changes where climate change may not be the primary cause. For instance, the region is also currently undergoing a rapid transition from subsistence farming to a market-based economy due to the integration of Ladakh into India and the growing influx of tourism. When addressing the broader context of environmental change, reliable, accurate, and available climate data and models could be useful only if used as part of a holistic approach. This approach requires research and interventions to combine scientific information with local knowledge and perceptions about the impacts of climate change to root the physical data in a “real world” context. It must also acknowledge other drivers of environmental changes such as unsustainable development.

This paper places a college at the centreof a multi-hazard assessment (earthquake, flood and landslide). The college is within a less studied, rural area of Ladakh, North India. Research focusses on a case study (Students Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL) College), close to Leh, Ladakh, and extends to incorporate/apply thinking from/to the wider Ladakh region. The approach adopted, centring on the hazard assessment of a single entity/local area, allows a rapid uptake of hazard recommendations within a college environment planning to continue its existence for decades ahead. A sister paper (Petterson et al., 2019) documents the active involvement of college staff and students in the principles of geohazard assessment and the development of student-centric hazard assessments of the college and their home village. SECMOL is a self-sufficient, alternative, college, organised along strong environmentally sustainable principles. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

This work has adopted different strategies for different hazards. Fieldwork involved the collection of quantitative and qualitative data (e.g. shape and size of valleys/river channels/valley sides, estimation of vegetation density, measurement of sediment clasts, angle of slopes, assessment of sediment character, stratigraphy of floodplains and identification of vulnerable elements). These data were combined with satellite image analysis to: define river catchment character and flood vulnerability (e.g. using the methodology of Collier and Fox, 2003), examine catchment connectivity, and examine landslip scars and generic terrain analysis. Literature studies and seismic database interrogation allowed the calculation of potential catchment floodwater volumes, and the collation of epicentre, magnitude, depth and date of seismic events, together with recent thinking on the return period of large Himalayan earthquakes. These data were used to develop geological-seismic and river catchment maps, the identification of vulnerable elements, and disaster scenario analyses.

This research concludes that SECMOL, and much of the Ladakh region, is exposed to significant seismic, flood and landslide hazard risk. High magnitude earthquakes have return periods of 100s to c. 1,000 years in the Himalayas and can produce intense levels of damage. It is prudent to maximise earthquake engineering wherever possible. The 2010 Leh floods demonstrated high levels of devastation: these floods could severely damage the SECMOL campus if storms were centred close by. This study reveals the connectivity of catchments at varying altitudes and the potential interactions of adjacent catchments. Evacuation plans need to be developed for the college. Northern ridges at SECMOL could bury parts of the campus if mobilised by earthquakes/rainfall. Slope angles can be lowered and large boulders moved to reduce risk. This work reinforces recommendations that relate to building quality and urban/rural planning, e.g. using spatial planning to keep people away from high-risk zones.

The frequency of hazards is low, but potential impacts high to very high. Hazard mitigation actions include engineering options for hazardous slopes, buildings to be earthquake-proofed, and evacuation management for large floods.

Methodologies undertaken in this research are well-tested. Linkages between disciplines are ambitious and somewhat original. The application of this work to a specific college centre site with the capacity to rapidly take up recommendations is novel. The identification of catchment inter-connectivity in this part of Ladakh is novel. This work complements a sister paper (Petterson et al., 2019) for community aspects of this study, adding to the novelty value.

This chapter attempts to critically examine the wildlife conservation discourse that argues for curtailing the livestock grazing inside the Changthang Wildlife Sanctuary, situated on the India’s international borders with China in southeast Ladakh. The conventional conservation discourse points at the (supposed) greed of the Changpa pastoralists in accumulating an increasing number of pashmina goats as a primary environmental cause of wildlife loss in Changthang; however, there is a critical lack of insight into the political and historical mechanisms that lie within the dynamic interaction between resource access and socio-economic inequalities, critical for understanding Changpa pastoralism today.

Ethnographic inquiry into the Changpa economy before the closure of Ladakh–Tibet border trade in 1962, and afterwards, has highlighted the political and economic transformations in the area, as well as the cultural politics of market integration and increasing inabilities of the mobile Changpa pastoralists to access vital productive resources. Inequalities reflected in the contemporary livestock data, acquired from the pastoralists, underscore the processes of institutional bricolage, non-cooperative labour, exchange/wage herding and capital-dominated market networks, making pastoralism impossible for several of the households.

The chapter argues against making livestock withdrawal a major aim of conservation sciences. It calls instead for the recognition of state-provisioned commodified pashmina rearing, seen through the prism of changing abilities and shifting institutions, where unequal access to productive resources is a reflection of both historical dispossessions and also economic impoverishments of Changpa today.

The purpose of this paper is to apply the concept of “Interconnected Geoscience” to a disaster and risk reduction (DRR) case study at SECMOL College, near Leh, Ladakh, N. India. Interconnected geoscience is a model that advocates holistic approaches to geoscience for development. This paper reports research/practical work with Ladakhi students/staff, undertaking community-oriented DRR exercises in hazard awareness, DRR themed village/college mapping, vulnerability assessments and DRR management scenario development. The geoscientific hazard analysis work is published within a separate sister paper, with results feeding into this work. This work addresses aspects of, and contributes to, the DRR research(science)-policy-interface conversation.

Interconnected geoscience methodologies for DRR here are: the application of geoscience for hazard causality, spatial distribution, frequency and impact assessment, for earthquakes, floods and landslides, within the SECMOL area; the generation of community-developed DRR products and services of use to a range of end-users; the development of a contextual geoscience approach, informed by social-developmental-issues; and the active participation of SECMOL students/teachers and consequent integration of local world-views and wisdom within DRR research. Initial DRR awareness levels of students were assessed with respect to earthquakes/floods/landslides/droughts. Following hazard teaching sessions, students engaged in a range of DRR exercises, and produced DRR themed maps, data, tables and documented conversations of relevance to DRR management.

Students levels of hazard awareness were variable, generally low for low-frequency hazards (e.g. earthquakes) and higher for hazards such as floods/landslides which either are within recent memory, or have higher frequencies. The 2010 Ladakhi flood disaster has elevated aspects of flood-hazard knowledge. Landslides and drought hazards were moderately well understood. Spatial awareness was identified as a strength. The application of an interconnected geoscience approach immersed within a student+staff college community, proved to be effective, and can rapidly assess/build upon awareness levels and develop analytical tools for the further understanding of DRR management. This approach can assist Ladakhi regional DRR management in increasing the use of regional capability/resources, and reducing the need for external inputs.

A series of recommendations for the DRR geoscience/research-policy-practice area include: adopting an “interconnected geoscience” approach to DRR research, involving scientific inputs to DRR; using and developing local capability and resources for Ladakhi DRR policy and practice; using/further-developing DRR exercises presented in this paper, to integrate science with communities, and further-empower communities; taking account of the findings that hazard awareness is variable, and weak, for potentially catastrophic hazards, such as earthquakes, when designing policy and practice for raising DRR community awareness; ensuring that local values/world views/wisdom inform all DRR research, and encouraging external “experts” to carefully consider these aspects within Ladakh-based DRR work; and further-developing DRR networks across Ladakh that include pockets of expertise such as SECMOL.

The term “interconnected geoscience” is highly novel, further developing thinking within the research/science-policy-practice interface. This is the first time an exercise such as this has been undertaken in the Ladakh Himalaya.

The case is structured to achieve the following learning objectives: ■ to assess how an intuitive response to social need can be complemented with a methodical approach to social entrepreneurship; ■ to analyse the importance of business model canvas from the social sector lens; ■ to evaluate the value created by a small NPO 17000 ft Foundation; ■ to analyse the core elements of a business model for success in the social sector; and ■ to assess and evaluate the options for an early-stage NPO to engage in scaling for a systemic impact.

17000 ft Foundation (hereafter referred to as 17000 ft) is a not-for-profit (NPO) organisation incepted in 2012 by Sujata Sahu, with the objective of supporting education of children living at high altitudes in remote villages of Ladakh, India. It is an effort that contributes toward objectives of clause 6.1 on educational inclusivity in the new National Education Policy 2020 of India. The case study is set in the context of Indian education, with all its challenges. It describes how Sujata Sahu was motivated to start the Foundation and how it developed to become a complex organisation working on different education-related projects simultaneously. The Foundation’s business model is interesting and unique. It leverages digital technologies to develop a network of interconnected activities, involves local communities and uses an extensive network of different kinds of stakeholders to impact a change in the quality of education in government schools in these remote villages. The case provides a solid basis for the discussion of the vital role of NPOs such as 17000 ft (in emerging economy) which is creating social and economic value for the remote villages of Ladakh, India. The new NEP 2020 argues for equity and inclusivity in education for all, but it failed to provide a blueprint for the implementation process. On the other hand, 17000 ft with its small team was invested and experimental in its approach. It had been working on the same cause of educational inclusivity. They had piloted a quality education business model for the harshest and remote Indian terrains and proven its positive impact. What were some of the core elements that had led them to success so far? The announcement of NEP 2020 provided a new ray of hope. How could they contribute and work together with the government to impact inclusive education and development in India? What collaborative mechanisms could possibly help them replicate their proven business model across the 1,000 schools of Ladakh and beyond? How could they scale for a systemic impact? After all, a nation as big as India required multiple strategies and multiple stakeholders from NPOs, private companies, government agencies, educational institutions, etc. to work collaboratively to bridge the inclusion and equity gaps in education.

The case can be used in graduate and executive education courses in entrepreneurship and strategic management. It can also be used for executive sessions at incubation centres for NPO start-ups and is aimed at early-phase social entrepreneurs.

Teaching notes are available for educators only.

CSS 3: Entrepreneurship.

This chapter studies the link between urban planning and health. Access to safe drinking water is already a very serious issue for large urban populations in fast-growing economies such as India. Water availability is further being impacted by climate change, leading to the drastically increased spread of water-related diseases.

Leh Town, which is located in an ecologically vulnerable semi-arid region of the Himalayas in Ladakh, has been considered for this study because it is undergoing large-scale transformation due to rapid growth in its tourism industry. In 2012–2013 our interdisciplinary group comprising researchers from Germany and India conducted field surveys, including geographic information system-based (GIS) mapping of point sources of water pollution, questionnaire surveys of 200 households and 70 hotels and guesthouses and semi-structured interviews. We also reviewed secondary medical data.

We found that diarrhoeal incidence has increased in the local population in Leh in the past decade, which may be linked to water pollution: Further, we found that rapidly increasing water consumption coupled with a lack of adequate water and sanitation infrastructure is causing serious water pollution.

Further, data is needed for causal connections between water pollution and health impacts to be conclusively drawn.

This study discusses the use of GIS to support a call for the need for more integrated urban planning and decision-making that holistically addresses water and health challenges in Leh and advocates the development of a decentralized or hybrid sanitation system to support water resources conservation as a central dimension of an integrated health management approach.

GIS is also a very useful platform for supporting participatory urban planning in Leh.

With such an integrated urban planning approach, Leh would be a lighthouse example for other towns in the region.

Traditional places are on the wrong side of the divide. The wrong side of the divide is the side where the poor relatives live, where things are charming and quaint, where people look for no change to have taken place where attracting investments is always a problem, where one has to struggle to reinvent a souvenir environment. One could say that traditional places are places that have been ignored in the nation building process and have become dependent territories unable to generate their own energy for gaining prosperity. Prosperity has to be invented, imagined, sought after and gained. It simply does not descend from above. Steps have to be taken to invent the future of a traditional environment.

This case study relates to a silk-route settlement called Leh located deep inside the Himalayas at an altitude of over 12,000 feet (3000 meters) above sea level. It is inhabited almost entirely by Buddhists belonging to the Tibetan Mahayana branch. There are a smaller number of Muslim families who inhabit the larger settlements and the villages that are located on the border with Pakistan. Leh is the regional capital of the region known as Ladakh, which borders both Western Tibet presently in China and Pakistan. Ladakh, like all neglected regions that are made more attractive with the suffix “traditional” has been ruled for the last fifty years with policies that address the administrative needs of the government and not the real needs of the inhabitants. Our study to determine these real needs was commissioned by the government to prepare an action plan for the period 1989 - 2009.

A large team of experts, which focused on macroeconomics, microeconomics, tourism, community health, social structures, master planning, and heritage listing and conservation strategies, evaluated these needs. From these evaluations, some startling conclusions were drawn based on which a prescription was made for future prosperity. The findings of each discipline were overlaid on each other to provide the vital clues for a correct diagnosis of the settlement as a whole including its surrounding region. Some of the more important findings will be presented along with recommendations that need to be followed. The most significant broad proposal that emerged out of the study was the need to redefine the development track for the region. We found that the rapid changes that are taking place in the social fabric were due to the rapid move of resources into the tertiary (service) sector. The consequences of this could be seen in the wheeling dealing and accusations of corruption that dominated all conversations and interviews. Consequently we warned the administration not to remain indifferent to this trend and to take urgent steps to restore the production base of the region and to discourage investment in the tertiary sector. The methodologies developed during this study were later used in a number of successful development reorientation strategies in other regions.

Reports, following the UN’s 1996 ‘Human Development Report’, that the world’s poorest 1.6 billion people (one‐third of the world’s population) are growing poorer. Indicates two major lines of argument: first, that the more that resource distribution and development are left to market forces, the more resources will flow to the richer few; and, second, that it is totally impossible for Third World people to rise to the living standards typical of rich countries. Closes by investigating Ladakh — a region near Tibet — a place that is completely without modern technology, with a GNP of almost nothing which is a complex, culturally rich, and admirable society that has much to teach affluent societies about civility, humanity, community, social justice and ecological sustainability.