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The purpose of this paper is to further the understanding of experiences of anti-social behaviour in LGBTIQ+ youth in university settings.

The discussion reflects on qualitative interviews with LGBTIQ+ young people studying at university (n=16) exploring their experiences of anti-social behaviour including harassment, bullying and victimisation in tertiary settings.

The findings demonstrate that attention should be paid to the complex nature of anti-social behaviour. In particular, LGBTIQ+ youth documented experiences of microaggressions perpetrated by other members of the LGBTIQ+ community. Using the taxonomy of anti-social behaviour against LGBTIQ+ people developed by Nadal et al. (2010, 2011), the authors build on literature that understands microaggressions against LGBTIQ+ people as a result of heterosexism, to address previously unexplored microaggressions perpetrated by other LGBTIQ+ people.

Future research could seek a larger sample of participants from a range of universities, as campus climate may influence the experiences and microaggressions perpetrated.

Individuals within the LGBTIQ+ community also perpetrate microaggressions against LGBTIQ+ people, including individuals with the same sexual orientation and gender identity as the victim. Those seeking to respond to microaggressions need to attune their attention to this source of anti-social behaviour.

Previous research has focused on microaggressions and hate crimes perpetrated by non-LGBTIQ+ individuals. This research indicates the existence of microaggressions perpetrated by LGBTIQ+ community members against other LGBTIQ+ persons. The theoretical taxonomy of sexual orientation and transgender microaggressions is expanded to address LGBTIQ+ perpetrated anti-social behaviour.

To highlight some of the tensions and complexities that persist in President Obama’s widening support of Marriage Equality during his second administration.

My primary research design uses autoethnographic detail and draws on two methodological frameworks: (1) the “personal is political” use of subjective voice in feminist theory (particularly in the writings of black feminists), and (2) the postmodern view of complex, “messy” and conflictual intersections of race, gender, sexuality, in the writings of critical race and queer theorists.

My primary finding highlights how macro social structural processes related to white privilege and racial domination and how micro cultural narratives contributing to homophobia and heteronormativity in African American religious circles creates both positive and questionable views of President Obama’s support of Marriage Equality, among African Americans heterosexuals, and within the African American LGBTIQ community.

The primary value of this chapter contributes to the discussion on the persistent tensions between religion, race, and sexuality, which make fragile allies between supporters of Marriage Equality and supporters of Civil Rights and racial justice.

This brief paper aims to examine the extent to which lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ+) older adults in Australia used the internet for social, informational and instrumental needs, including how internet use changed during COVID-19.

The authors used a survey advertised to LGBTIQ+ older adults (N = 394), recruited as a sample of convenience, on social networking sites and via LGBTIQ+ and aged care organizations.

Self-reported internet use decreased during COVID-19, with various significant between-group differences in purposes of internet use and sexuality, gender, living arrangements and time.

The internet can be a critical form of social contact for LGBTIQ+ older adults, and this is among the first studies in Australia about their internet use during COVID-19. Findings from the study suggest patterns of internet use may be decreasing among LGBTIQ+ older adults during the pandemic.

The reality of policing in the twenty-first century is that most officers identify as white, heterosexual and cisgender (or identifying with the sex assigned to them at birth) and outnumber officers from diverse groups. Whilst many diverse officers are employed by police organisations, there is a lack of evidence to suggest transgender people seek employment in policing or (following strategic recruitment drives) are actively recruited by police organisations. This raises questions regarding the factors which constrain or facilitate employment of transgender people into policing and whether strategic recruitment drives targeting transgender people work. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

Following a recruitment drive targeting diverse community members, an online survey was administered to police recruits in one of Australia’s smaller state based police organisations (n=742) to determine if recruits self-identity as transgender or cisgender, and whether or not self-identified cisgender or transgender recruits would be willing to work alongside one another.

The results indicated that all the recruits in this study identified as cisgender. Whilst transgender recruits may have participated in the research, none of the recruits identified openly as transgender in the survey. Consequently, there was a significant association between the recruit’s gender and sexuality, and their perceptions of working alongside transgender officers, with almost all recruits stating that they would prefer to work with cisgender officers.

The findings of this research contribute original knowledge to the extant body of policing literature regarding police recruit perceptions of working alongside transgender officers.

This type of research has not been conducted in an Australian context before.

This study explores the experiences of five high school–aged youth involved in creative writing and poetry slam performances operated by a nonprofit organization in the city of Houston, Texas. Seeking to understand how poetry may have helped the youth in this study, Multiple Literacies Theory (MLT) (Masny & Cole, 2007) is used as an interpretive tool in this paper. In addition, the literary writing style of bildungsroman, or writing that reflects on one's worldview and personhood through lived experiences, is discussed as part and parcel to the poet's process because of the personal narratives used in their poetry. Narrative inquiry methodology was used in this longitudinal study because it allowed fluid ways of analyzing emergent sociocultural issues faced by the participants, who identified as Black, LGBTIQ, Asian American and also indicated intersectional, marginalized life experiences. It is hoped that this study will outline some of the benefits of art-based education and bildungsroman for marginalized learners, as well as inspire further research into art-based pedagogies and assessments, which may better reflect multiple literacies.

This study aims to explore the relationship between the reported frequency of illegitimate tasks undertaken at work (FREQIT) and gender identity among cisgender individuals and persons with a (?) transgender or gender non-conforming (TGNC) identity.

This research combines an experimental approach with a field-study. Study 1 contained a vignette experiment where participants reported their likelihood to assign illegitimate tasks (IT) to either a cisgender or a TGNC employee. Study 2 measured perceptions of tasks-illegitimacy (PERTI), FREQIT, perceptions of organisational gender climate (PGC), burnout and intention to quit among a sample of cisgender and TGNC participants.

In Study 1, individuals in a supervisory position were more likely to assign IT to TGNC than cisgender employees. In Study 2, gender identity influenced burnout, intentions to quit and PGC, serially mediated by PERTI and FREQIT. The results from Study 2 did not support the initial model, which proposed that lower PERTI would lead TGNC employees to report a higher FREQIT, leading to lower occupational well-being scores. Instead, TGNC participants’ burnout, intention to quit and PGC scores improved as a consequence of their lower PERTI. However, when comparing cisgender and TGNC individuals, the latter presented higher levels of burnout, intentions to quit and lower PGC scores.

This is the first study measuring the effects of IT on TGNC individuals’ occupational well-being. It underscores the importance to reduce cisgender biases and transphobia and to address IT as obstacles to trans equality in the workplace.

The purpose of this paper is to argue that the myriad social forces in El Salvador make it difficult for LGBTQ+ to publicly declare their sexual orientation or name their perpetrators and hence to use the #MeToo hashtag as a leadership strategy of their movement.

A qualitative research design was used that included interviews and focus group discussions with LGBTQ+ leaders of organizations and government officials. A descriptive/interpretive approach was used to understand their experiences of being LGBTQ+, leadership approach to gain their rights and knowledge of #MeToo.

Although the movement has contributed to the public dialog about sexual misconduct, it has not had an impact on the “coming out” of LGBTQ+ on Twitter, public exposure of offenders, improved treatment of LGBTQ+ or significant changes in employment law for LGBTQ+ Salvadorans. Rather than the celebrity-led #MeToo movement, a continuation of the more grassroots approach that Salvadoran LGBTIQ+ leaders use may more successfully achieve their protection and rights.

Further research should be completed regarding the impact of leadership on changing the social imaginary and the leadership approach most appropriate for this impact.

The study provides a case to further explore the leadership's role in changing the social imaginary.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this paper is the first to illustrate that #MeToo cannot be successful in all cultural contexts or with all LGBTQ+ communities and that grassroots approaches may be more appropriate in countries such as El Salvador.

Introduction – Since the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), sport has, for the first time, become a policy area of the European Union (EU).

Purpose – The aim of this chapter is to investigate the EU’s anti-discrimination policy for sports.

Methodology – Firstly, all the agreements, regulations, directives, and court decisions regarding nondiscrimination in sports will be reviewed. Secondly, discriminative examples in different sport branches will be investigated. In fact, this research will examine discrimination in both professional and amateur sports, including discrimination towards men, women, and LGBTIQ+ persons. Thirdly, the bodies, institutions, or persons who are accused of any kind of discrimination in sports will be researched, including fans, officials of clubs and federations, referees, players, and sports media. Finally, recommendations will be presented for the development of an improved sports policy that is capable of increasing diversity and equal participation in European sports.

Findings – For many underlying reasons, which the author will try to address in this chapter, there is a tendency to ignore discrimination in sports. Although the EU has passed legislation specifically designed to prohibit discrimination in sport, neither the legal arrangements nor their applications in Member States serve to end any kind of discrimination in the realm of sports. Thus, this chapter will attempt to raise awareness of this crucial and unending problem.

This chapter is partially based on an unpublished Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) background report, titled ‘OECD Research Project on Diversity in the Workplace: Country Report Germany’, which was written by the authors of this chapter. While the OECD country report illustrates how diversity policies and related diversity instruments targeting various diversity dimensions have developed in Germany over recent decades, this chapter focuses solely on the management of ethnic diversity and its related policies. Diversity policies are broadly understood as any policy that seeks to increase the representation of disadvantaged social groups such as migrants and ethnic minorities, women, disabled persons, older workers and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender/transsexual, intersex and queer/questioning (LGBTIQ) in the workplace, both in the public and in the private sector. The central idea of this chapter is to provide an overview of which policies and instruments have been implemented for migrants and ethnic minorities at the workplace and to evaluate their success or failure where possible. In doing so, this chapter also discusses obstacles, success factors and challenges for policy implementation for the past and for the future.

This chapter analyses the presence of Russian feminists and female LGBTIQ+ activists within US-American mainstream media. In the course of a multimedia discourse analysis, it briefly raises questions of who becomes featured and how, to argue that current debates marginalise Russian queer female, trans*gender and intersex voices, compared to those of male queers. One exception to this trend is the case of the journalist and activist Masha Gessen. Together with Nadya Tolokonnikova of the protest group Pussy Riot, Gessen seems to represent Russian queers and feminists within US media. Although marginal, compared to the presence of US feminisms, especially popular culture figures such as Beyoncé Knowles-Carter or Lady Gaga, the two women become frequently featured within US news media and beyond. Frequently, those articles, interviews and discussions of their work open up a debate, or rather comparisons, between US values and Russian values, questions of modernity, progress and civilisation. Equally often, the female Russian dissidents are pictured as ‘Putin’s victims’ – the female versions of David fighting against Goliath – by focussing especially on their physical vulnerability and their female bodies. In this vein, feminism is constructed as inherently ‘Western’, while the bodies that carry out such feminisms and most of all their country of origin is entirely ‘othered’. Comparing the (self-)representations to other voices of female Russian dissent within US media, the author critically discuss the Western gaze of US mainstream media, its victimising strategies and homonationalistic construction of US identity and US nation in rejection of a ‘backward’ homophobic Russia.