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Japan has made some progress in recognizing lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) rights, such as passing laws that prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity in some cities. However, there is still a long way to go in terms of legal protection and social acceptance. Understanding citizens' attitudes toward homosexuality can help inform policies and interventions that promote LGBTQ rights and reduce discrimination. This study explores factors that influence citizens' attitudes toward homosexuality in Japan.

The research was conducted through a web-based questionnaire with 1,806 participants, where they were asked about their views on same-sex partnership recognition, homosexual rights and traditional Japanese family systems. The collected data were statistically analyzed to determine the factors that affect individuals' opinions regarding homosexuality.

The study determined that in Japan, traditional views are inversely related to same-sex partnership registration. Conversely, local government support for LGBTQ+ rights is directly associated with societal acceptance. Additionally, closer contact with the LGBTQ+ community promotes acceptance.

The study provides insights into the factors that shape societal attitudes toward homosexuality in Japan and highlights the importance of policies promoting diversity and inclusivity. By identifying these determinants, this study could help policymakers and advocates create effective strategies for promoting acceptance and equality for the LGBTQ+ community in Japan.

To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first study that focuses on understanding the factors that influence the attitudes of Japanese citizens toward homosexuality.

This opening chapter of the edited volume, Childhood, Youth and Activism: Demands for Rights and Justice from Young People and Their Advocates, explores activism and advocacy – by and for children and young people. It begins by considering how activism has been understood in the scholarly literature, before making a case for a broad and inclusive conceptualisation of what counts as this particular form of social action. Relatedly, it examines the contours of the relationship between activism and advocacy, drawing attention to the ways in which these concepts converge, an issue that is particularly salient when applied to the categories of child and youth. Themes that emerge in research on child and youth activism are then drawn out and we identify some of the key issues that animate this work across various disciplines. These include observations that young people have long been central to social movements, the role of social media in youth activism, the nature of child and adult relationships in social movement organisations, and some of the issues that arise for young activists in relation to intersectional identities. To this we add debates regarding the politics of recognition, questions of voice and agency, and responsibility and their temporal registers. This discussion also foreshadows themes that emerge in the chapters across this volume. Finally, we offer a reflection on some of the conceptual issues raised when considering the book in its entirety, including those of voice, responsibility for the future, the politics of possibility and hope, and the many different forms and practices that activism and advocacy for and by young people take.

The purpose of this article is to provide a critical account of the hate crime (HC) paradigm by exploring its historical legal definition and the limitations in addressing the multiple and structural discriminations faced by minority groups. Specifically, the article focuses on the case of Italy, where in recent years a fierce debate over a proposed law on HC against LGBT+ and disabled people ended in its rejection due to neoconservative and Catholic opposition.

Drawing on critical socio-criminological literature on HC, the paper analyses the Italian debates and socio-legal context over the past two decades regarding discrimination against LGBT+ groups and its (lack of) criminalization. It also provides a secondary analysis of recent data on violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people, collected by the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA).

The analysis of the debate and the data collected shows that the criminal definition of HC is insufficient to capture the wider range of social and cultural violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people. Indeed, data analysis shows the effect of the low level of recognition of rights on the propensity of people to denounce and of social practitioners to recognize, discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people. It is therefore argued that the discussion on HC should move beyond the criminalization of individual violence to be entrenched in a broader reflection over the lack of recognition of sexual citizenship rights which perpetuates the vulnerability of LGBT+ people.

This paper contributes to the international socio-criminological debate on HC. It argues for a comprehensive framework that recognizes the structural nature of discrimination and violence against vulnerable groups by framing discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people as a citizenship right rather than a criminal justice issue.

This study investigated the impact of some determinant organizational factors on disseminating LGBT information in Brazilian companies in 2019.

The study is exploratory and has a quantitative approach, which uses secondary data from the CSR Hub database 2019 of publicly traded Brazilian companies. For constructing the LGBT disclosure metric, the authors took the study by Parizek and Evangelinos (2021). The independent variables were the social responsibility, financial and governance characteristics of the companies. Analysis was conducted by combining a symmetric method (multiple linear regression analysis with econometric models) and an asymmetric approach (fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis).

The research findings showed that companies with higher performance in CSR have greater LGBT disclosure. Findings also show that companies with higher financial performance tend to have greater LGBT disclosure. This is because larger companies have more resources to invest in CSR practices and sexual diversity policies, as well as a greater number of stakeholders pressing them to act more responsibly. Additional results showed that companies that signed the UN Global Compact and publish an environmental report annually have greater engagement in LGBT disclosure.

This study's novelty emerges from applying the fsQCA technique, which helps to a broaden understanding of the conditions necessary to achieve greater LGBT disclosure. Furthermore, this study initiates the debate on LGBT disclosure in emerging economies, a recent topic and still little explored empirically.

There is a gap in understanding with regards to the discrimination and prejudice experienced by gay entrepreneurs. To address this, an intersectional perspective is adopted to facilitate a better understanding of how lesbian and gay entrepreneurs may experience heterosexism.

This qualitative study uses semi-structured interviews to explore the experiences of 14 lesbian and gay entrepreneurs as they navigate homophobia and heterosexism.

The study contributes novel insights to the field of entrepreneurship, extending the study of lesbian and gay entrepreneurs to include gender and a fine-grained analysis of the experience of heterosexism. Its inclusion of an intersectional perspective of the lesbian-female entrepreneur expands the emerging body of literature examining intersectional identities of minority entrepreneurs.

The authors provide a more nuanced understanding of the impact of heterosexism on LGBT+ entrepreneurial activities. This is facilitated by the authors' adoption of an intersectional perspective which shows how the different axes of identity influenced gender identity performance in relation to the model of perceived neutrality in LGBT+ entrepreneurship. The authors also make an original contribution to minority stress literature through the authors' exploration of one facet of minority entrepreneurship, namely the impact of heterosexism on LGBT+ entrepreneurial activities.

This chapter examines the locker room practices of Brazil's first transexual (their term) men's amateur soccer team, the Meninos Bons de Bola (MBB), or Soccer Star Boys. Drawing on a photo shoot with the MBB inside the locker room, and on conversations with photographer Isabel Abreu as well as members of the team, this chapter explores the debates surrounding queer and trans body politics amidst the rise of the right in Brazil and the Americas. Taken in 2017 and released in 2018, the photo series capture a moment of political transition in Brazil; the images are taken after the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff and her socialist Workers’ Party and before the election of ultra-rightwing candidate Jair Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro rose to power, in part, by positioning himself against so-called ‘gender ideology’ and attacking marginalized populations, including LGBTQIA+ people. Bolsonarismo and its followers are politically fascist; they believe changing gender norms are linked to Brazil's perceived decline; they claim these shifting norms are humiliating, and respond with nationalism and violence. In this climate, the MBB have shifted their approach to trans politics by becoming more discerning about the teams' visibility and representation. Analysing both the images and their context, this chapter suggests that the Meninos' experiences highlight the connections between political fascism and what queer sport theorist Brian Pronger refers to as Body Fascism. The MBB contest such forms of repression through strategic uses of nudity and through representational choices that insist on the player's humanity and beauty. By asserting that their bodies on the pitch and in the locker room is ‘art, activism and resistance’ (the team's tagline), the MBB fight for trans justice in and through futebol.

This paper discusses how professionally qualified cisgender lesbian, gay, bisexual or queer (LGBQ) women youth workers present their self. The research examined how youth workers consciously or unconsciously shared their sexual identity with young people with whom they worked. Whilst this research focussed on youth workers, issues discussed are relevant for practitioners from a range of professional backgrounds such as therapists, social workers, teachers and health care practitioners. The research focused only on the experiences of cisgender LGBQ women as the experiences of men and trans women are different and so requires separate research.

This research taking a qualitative approach, used in-depth interviews to discuss how respondents shared information about their identity.

Some of fifteen youth workers interviewed reported not having choices about being out with the young people as their sexuality had been leaked. Others were able to pass and so choose when, or if, to be out with young people. Their different strategies to sharing information regarding their sexuality used by these participants reflected different approaches to being out.

Although there is evidence in the literature of how being out or closeted impacts on teachers there is little written about the effect on youth workers or other professionals. The little research that has been undertaken in this area focusses on the impact of identity on the clients rather than on the professionals. This article contributes to filling this gap in the literature.

This paper aims to provide an overview of South African perspectives on preventing, monitoring and combating hate victimisation, towards informing international understandings.

Using a general review approach, this paper provides a historical examination of measures proposed by the South African Government and civil society since 1994, to prevent, monitor and combat hate crime, hate speech and intentional unfair discrimination.

Regardless of a constitutional commitment to social inclusion, diversity and minority rights, significant progress remains lacking after almost three decades of related advocacy, lobbying and limited government intervention. Findings of the South African Hate Crimes Working Group (HCWG) longitudinal Monitoring Project emphasise the need for decisive legal responses to hate victimisation.

A Bill, recognising hate crime and hate speech as distinct criminal offences, has been in development for almost 15 years and will soon serve before Parliament. Enactment of this legislation will be ground-breaking in Africa.

This paper contributes to the field of hate studies by providing an overview of the journey towards current conceptual understandings of hate in (South) Africa. It sets the stage for evaluating the potential of the redesigned HCWG monitoring tool, which holds promise for early identification and intervention in hate hotspots and targeted sectors. This instrument can establish trends not only in South Africa but also across the African continent.