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Purpose – The author investigates how those who have engaged in political violence in the UK understand Prevent’s preemptive rationality, and how Prevent conceptualizes the trajectory toward “terrorism” in relation to the testimony of those who have engaged in “terrorist” violence and were convicted of terrorism offences.

Methodology/Approach – The author takes the assumptions that Prevent makes about risk (from the Prevent Strategy and other documents), and tests these against the testimony of former combatants from “the Troubles.”

Findings – Despite the trajectory toward violence not being considered to differ fundamentally nor demonstrated through evidence to operate differently from one era to the next, the premise of Prevent’s assumptions of the movement into violence and former combatant testimony are entirely foreign to each other.

Originality/Value – Although militants from “the Troubles” (a conflict ending in 1998) and Prevent (established in 2003) are speaking about the same country and narrating their “truth” within five years of each other, the differences in how former combatants and Prevent understand the trajectory toward violence have not been considered. This has remained a significant omission of terrorism scholarship.

Self-regulatory organizations (SROs) can be found in education, healthcare, and other not-for-profit sectors as well as in the accounting, financial, and legal professions. DeMarzo et al. (2005) show theoretically that SROs can create monopoly market power for their affiliated agents, but that governmental oversight, even if less efficient than oversight by the SRO, can largely offset such market power. We provide an experimental test of this conjecture. For carefully rationalized parameterizations and implementation details, we find that the predictions of DeMarzo et al. (2005) are borne out.

This chapter seeks to examine the legal development of Public–Private Partnerships (PPPs) in Kosovo and to assess their role in economic development in Kosovo, as well as PPPs’ function to Kosovo in achieve the Copenhagen criteria to access the European Union (EU). This chapter analyses the theoretical arguments behind PPPs as a mean of narrowing the infrastructure-financing gap and assess the evolution of PPPs’ jurisdiction on Kosovo and EU’s position on PPPs. This chapter includes a detailed critical analysis of the present legal framework on PPPs in Kosovo and a case study of Pristina International Airport. This chapter concludes that PPPs could be the only alternative that Kosovo has, till date, to achieve economic growth. Indeed, it can help the country to be closer to European standards, when it cuts out corruption from these partnerships. This chapter contributes to the debate on the use of PPPs in Kosovo for the construction of major infrastructures, although they are still in a very embryonic process. This chapter presents a comprehensive analysis of the benefits and risks that PPPs could offer to Kosovo as a newly formed state, contributing to the academic debate on PPPs in Balkan countries and providing useful tools for policy-makers in the decision-making process, providing a clear description of new PPPs legislation in Kosovo.

This paper examines coverage of America’s death penalty in “mainstream” and “radical” newspapers in the 1970s. That decade was a crucial period for capital punishment, and newspapers during that time helped set the trajectory of the public’s awareness and understanding for the remainder of the twentieth century. While scholars have recognized the role played by newspaper framing of capital punishment, most have limited their consideration to the mainstream press. We broaden the consideration to the radical press and note similarities in the treatment of the moral status of the death penalty across newspapers of different types. We find that the radical press was more likely to portray it as an instrument of racial and class oppression. In addition, long before mainstream papers attended to questions about the reliability of the death penalty system, radical papers were calling attention to the number of innocent people who were erroneously sentenced to death. Like dissenting opinions in judicial decisions, the radical press highlighted issues not emphasized in mainstream papers and foresaw concerns that would become important in the death penalty debate a decade or two later.