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The purpose of this paper is to propose a model of relationships for conflict-ridden destinations that include variables concerning the dispute and their effect on key constructs that shape visitation decisions.

The theoretical model is examined for two conflict-ridden Eastern Mediterranean destinations, Israel and Turkey, which suffer from ongoing armed conflicts, using two samples of potential tourists residing in the USA (n = 1,581) and India (n = 1,383).

The relationships are stable for both destinations and cultural contexts. Animosity is a strong factor in tourists’ decisions, whereas perceived risk has a relatively insignificant impact. Knowledge of the conflict is also found to influence decisions about visiting conflict-ridden destinations.

The study investigates the role of variables related to the conflict as antecedents of animosity and perceived risk, thus contributing to the understanding concerning decisions to visit conflict-ridden destinations. The model is generalized for varied destinations and cultures.

该研究提出了一个针对有冲突目的地的关系模型, 其中包括与冲突有关的因素以及对旅游访问决策的关键概念的影响。

使用基于美国（n = 1,581 ）和印度（n = 1,383）的潜在游客样本, 本文的理论模型检验了两个东地中海目的地, 以色列和土耳其, 该目的地遭受了持续的武装冲突。

获得的关系在两个目的地和文化背景下都是稳定的。敌意是影响游客决策的重要因素, 然而风险感知的影响相对较小。研究还发现了对冲突的认知会影响有关访问目的地的决定。

该研究调查了与冲突相关的因素作为敌意和感知风险的前因变量, 从而有助于我们理解关于访问有冲突的目的地的决策, 该模型适用于不同的目的地和文化。

La investigación propone un modelo de relaciones para destinos en conflicto que incluye variables relacionadas con el conflicto y su efecto en conceptos clave para las decisiones de visita del turista.

Se examina el modelo teórico para dos destinos del Mediterráneo oriental, que sufren conflictos armados en curso, Israel y Turquía, utilizando dos muestras de turistas potenciales que residen en los Estados Unidos (n = 1.581) y la India (n = 1.383).

Las relaciones obtenidas son estables tanto para los destinos como para los distintos contextos culturales. La animosidad es un factor importante en las decisiones de los turistas, mientras que el riesgo percibido tiene un impacto relativamente insignificante. También se ha encontrado que el conocimiento del conflicto influye en las decisiones de visita al destino en conflicto.

El estudio investiga el papel de las variables relacionadas con el conflicto como antecedentes de la animosidad y el riesgo percibido, contribuyendo así a nuestra comprensión sobre las decisiones de visitar destinos en conflicto. El modelo es generalizable a distintos destinos y culturas.

While most West European nations were formed around pre-existing entities that could be called “countries” before the modern age, this was not the case in the Middle East. Some entities, like Egypt, did have a clear political and cultural identity before colonialism, others, like Algeria, did not. This chapter discusses the four states of the Maghreb: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya, through the perspective of “country creation” going into and coming out of colonial rule. We can see here two “models” of fairly similar types of historical development, one showing a gradual process through a protectorate period to relatively stable modern nations, another through violent conquest and direct colonization ending in violent liberation and military and wealthy but fragile states. The article asks whether these models for the history of country creation and the presence or absence of pre-colonial identities can help explain the modern history and nature of these states in the Arab Spring and the years thereafter. Then, a more tentative attempt is made to apply these models to two countries of the Arab east, Syria and Iraq. While local variations ensure that no model can be transferred directly, it can show the importance of studying the historical factors that go into the transition from geographical region to a country with people that can form the basis of a nation.

This study employs Stein Rokkan's methodological approach to analyse state formation in the Greater Middle East. It develops a conceptual framework distinguishing colonial, populist and democratic pacts, suitable for analysis of state formation and nation-building through to the present period. The framework relies on historical institutionalism. The methodology, however, is Rokkan's. The initial conceptual analysis also specifies differences between European and the Middle Eastern state formation processes. It is followed by a brief and selective discussion of historical preconditions. Next, the method of plotting singular cases into conceptual-typological maps is applied to 20 cases in the Greater Middle East (including Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey). For reasons of space, the empirical analysis is limited to the colonial period (1870s to the end of World War 1). Three typologies are combined into one conceptual-typological map of this period. The vertical left-hand axis provides a composite typology that clarifies cultural-territorial preconditions. The horizontal axis specifies transformations of the region's agrarian class structures since the mid-19th century reforms. The right-hand vertical axis provides a four-layered typology of processes of external intervention. A final section presents selected comparative case reconstructions. To the authors' knowledge, this is the first time such a Rokkan-style conceptual-typological map has been constructed for a non-European region.