Search results

Mobility processes, the routines that organizations use to move employees into and across jobs, are a critical determinant of the way that human capital is allocated within organizations and careers developed. Most existing work on these mobility processes has examined processes in which mobility is tightly coupled to the filling of vacancies. There is substantial evidence, though, that many organizations adopt very different processes for managing mobility. In this theory chapter, I compare vacancy-based, “job-pull” systems with alternative, “person-push” systems in which mobility is keyed to employees' attainment of performance and skill thresholds to explain how and why mobility processes vary. I identify two, inter-related dimensions along which mobility processes vary: whether their decision processes emphasize the need to match employees to tasks versus providing predictable rewards; and whether the system of jobs that people move between prioritizes flexibility or control of agency costs. I use these dimensions to predict when organizations will adopt different mobility processes, and how those processes will affect employees' mobility.

Idiosyncratic jobs occur when formal job duties match the abilities or interests of a specific person. New duties can accrue or be negotiated to match an existing employee or a potential hire. Idiosyncratic jobs can help organizations deal with changing contexts, and influence organizational goals and structure. They can affect job holders’ careers and organizational job structures. The evolutionary accumulation of idiosyncratic jobs can potentially generate unplanned organizational learning. Promising research frontiers include links to work on job crafting, I-Deals, negotiated joining, and ecologies of jobs. Deeper exploration of these domains can advance core theories of job design and organizational transformation and inform normative theory on organizational use of idiosyncratic jobs without falling into cronyism, inefficiency, or injustice.

The purpose of this chapter is to analyze gaps in effectiveness of Mexico’s labor legislation, in terms of equality in employment. Early adoption of progressive legislation should enable equal access for women, elder and disabled people to workplaces.

This chapter is based on an extensive review and examination of secondary data reports from reliable sources, as well as an analysis of primary data drawn from job boards operating in Mexico.

This study reveals a large gap between the legal framework and practice on diversity management in Mexico. Notwithstanding the existing legislation in Mexico to promote equity and equality in employment, age and gender are factors of discrimination in almost 60% of job offers. This study also shows that the intersection of different forms of diversity, such as gender, age, and disability, augment discrimination at work. Our analysis suggests that older women with disabilities suffer disproportionally from discrimination compared to older men and people with disabilities in general.

We outline practical implications for public policy and courses of action for managers interested in diversity management. Greater consideration should be given to those who face an intersection of factors related to discrimination.

This study contributes to the literature by exploring diversity management issues at workplaces in Mexico, which is an under-researched country. Furthermore, it attempts to combine macro-institutional and meso-organizational levels focusing on three characteristics traditionally related to increased marginalization: women, elders, and persons with disabilities. The results indicate that strong legal frameworks, though necessary, are not sufficient to ensure equality. Other crucial factors such as national and organizational cultural change, trust in government and enforcement mechanisms are necessary to improve diversity management practices.

Purpose – I suggest that we conceptualize labor markets as observable social networks, in which workplaces are the nodes and people moving between workplaces are the edges. The movement of people delivers the actionable information as to what the supply, demand, and going wage for labor might be. Labor market networks are hypothesized to be quite thin thus leading to substantial wage setting autonomy within workplaces, consistent with contemporary observations in both economics and sociology as to the weakness of labor market signals.Method – This paper reviews theoretical and empirical work in economics, sociology, and network science and develops a network image of labor market structure and function. Hypotheses derived from economic, sociological, and network theories are proposed to explain workplace-level wage setting.Findings – Information flow, trust in information, information variance, collusion, and status beliefs are all proposed as important network properties of labor markets. The paper outlines an observational strategy to make labor markets scientifically observable.Originality – Economists and sociologists often refer to labor markets as mechanisms setting the price of labor but rarely observe them. This paper outlines a strategy for making the invisible hand of the market scientifically observable.

Scholars have argued that changes in the U.S. corporate economy in recent decades transformed labor market institutions in revolutionary ways. Although there is a fair amount of evidence in support of these claims, other studies suggest that labor market change in this period was more gradual. This paper synthesizes research from multiple disciplines to assess whether the transformation of two main labor market structures – closed employment relationships associated with internal labor markets (ILMs), and job structures within these ILMs – was revolutionary or evolutionary in recent decades. It then specifies implications of the labor market transformation process for human resource management (HRM), and concludes by suggesting avenues for future research.

Many youth with a disability would like to work but encounter challenges finding employment. Vocational interventions can help youth with disabilities gain employment skills and jobs. In this chapter, we assess: (1) how vocational programs for youth with physical disabilities influence employment-related skills and outcomes; and (2) the common components of vocational programs for these youth.

Our research team conducted a systematic review of peer-reviewed literature with six major databases: Medline, PsychInfo, Scopus, Web of Science, CINAHL, and Embase. Publications selected for inclusion met the following criteria: (1) peer-reviewed journal article, dissertation, or conference paper, published between 1990 and January 2014; (2) addresses vocational program or intervention for youth with physical disabilities; and (3) sample includes at least 50% youth (aged 15–25) with an acquired or congenital physical disability.

Of the 4,588 studies identified in our search, 8 met the inclusion criteria. In six of the studies, the majority of participants gained paid or unpaid employment after participating in a vocational program. Five studies showed improved knowledge and perceptions of employment. Most studies showed improvements in at least one vocational outcome such as knowledge about job searching, job interviews, advocating for workplace adaptations, and how to access services and supports. Common intervention components included: experiential learning, mentorship, and family involvement. Most programs took place in the community or rehabilitation centers that varied in length and were delivered by a variety of professionals. Most programs had a combination of group and individual components.

There is some evidence to suggest that vocational programs can influence employment outcomes for youth with physical disabilities. However, further research is needed with more rigorous and longitudinal designs.