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The goal of the paper is to investigate how reservation wages of older unemployed welfare recipients change once they are no longer subject to standard job search requirements.

The authors apply a regression discontinuity design.

Consistent with theoretical predictions, the authors’ findings indicate that eliminating job search requirements will tend to increase reservation wages.

The results correspond to previous findings in the literature that monitoring leads to lower accepted wages and increased exits rates from unemployment, and that it may be a successful policy measure to keep older workers in the labor market.

Monitoring of job search effort has been shown to be an effective method of activating unemployed people, but little evidence has been found on the effect of activation measures on older workers.

This paper seeks to shed further light on the native‐migrant differences in economic outcomes. The aim is to investigate labor market reintegration, patterns of job search, and reservation wages across unemployed migrants and natives in Germany.

The paper is based on the IZA Evaluation Dataset, a recently collected rich survey of a representative sample of entrants into unemployment in Germany. The data include a large number of migration variables, allowing us to adapt a recently developed concept of ethnic identity: the ethnosizer. The authors analyze these data using the OLS technique as well as probabilistic regression models.

The results indicate that separated migrants have a relatively slow reintegration into the labor market. It can be argued that this group exerts a relatively low search effort and that it has reservation wages which are moderate, yet still above the level which would imply similar employment probabilities as other groups of migrants.

The findings indicate that special attention needs to be paid by policy makers to various forms of social and cultural integration, as it has significant repercussions on matching in the labor market.

The paper identifies a previously unmapped relationship between ethnic identity and labor market outcomes.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between managerial values and preference for hiring of low caste and female job candidates in the context of the six decades of affirmative action in India.

A sample of managers from India filled in a questionnaire indicating their beliefs and values concerning the Indian reservation system, social activism and minority employment. Subjects also made hiring choices in a simulated decision environment.

Findings indicate that managers were marginally in favour of hiring minority candidates and that their values and beliefs concerning minority employment of low caste and female job candidates were mixed.

The study used self‐reported questionnaires, and the sample size was small. Future studies are recommended to overcome the limitations.

Managers responsible for making hiring decisions should be trained and educated in the need for equity, justice and diversity in the workplace.

This investigation provides empirical evidence linking managerial beliefs and values to hiring preferences of minority job candidates.

This article presents a problem situation for study of the vexed eco‐bureau‐political question of job reservation in public administration, public sector and government‐aided educational institutions. Such reservation in preference to the Union of India was augmented from 22.5 to 49.5 per cent in 1993. This was aimed at achieving “equity” causing distributive growth of the economy but growth itself may be thwarted by “efficiency” losses in public management. It could be that under a less equitous regime there is more growth so that the targeted protected groups end up with larger “entitlement”. The present dispensation gives larger “empowerment” in addition to extension of statutory representation to the “disadvantaged” and “deprived” groups in local‐level government. The article concludes with a review of the literature and some facts and data on the situation and basic conceptualization to clear the deck for research in the area which has been negligible and situate some hypotheses which may be demolished or proved.

The aim of this chapter is to explore the marginal dimensions of disability, gender and caste in the context of Indian economy in recent globalizing times.

Using an intersectional approach it is argued that caste, gender and disability implicate and impact the opportunities available to persons as these account for the marginalities in a developing economy. The chapter is based on ethnographic and empirical data and it critically analyses the trends.

This study shows how social and cultural frames on one hand and the nature of diverse occupational pursuits on the other set the context within which a person with dalit ¹ status, with impairments and also a woman is likely to suffer the most. Social contexts are diverse and situation of persons within different groups varies. The chapter also examines state and NGO initiatives in this regard and suggests the limitations and possibilities of dalits with disabilities having access to resources within neo-liberal economy.

The findings expand the scope of disability research having policy implications.

There is dearth of research pertaining to how persons with disability (PWDs) view their career and the issues they face in career development; past studies highlight either the organizational initiatives or individual factors in this regard. The present study bridges this gap by studying the PWDs' experiences and perceptions on challenges in their career development.

An exploratory study through interview of professionally qualified PWDs in India, who have a permanent employment.

PWDs experience that affirmative action has a negative fallout as it leads to positive discrimination and hence, adversely affects their confidence and development.

The present study throws up new themes in the organizational climate that the PWDs face in career development, future studies can understand the aspirations of PWDs toward career and focus on the how the PWDs engage in shaping their career. Researchers can explore strategies that PWDs plan/adopt in creating a sustainable career for themselves. Scholars can also map the issues raised by PWDs with the career outcomes.

The Rights of Persons with Disability Act, 2016, of Government of India introduces a social model of disability in India. This paper deploys the social model of disability to enhance our understanding of the disability climate in India from a new lens.

This study introduces new themes that depict the environmental factors and are related to the organizational climate rather than self-focused issues of PWDs. The paper introduces two new subjective criteria, voiced by PWDs, for career development – a well-crafted capability-based career path and role of inspirational platforms. It introduces hitherto undiscovered issues toward career development, faced by PWDs who have a secure employment and a professional career. This is the first exclusive study of PWDs employed in public sector and thus, brings uniqueness in the context.

The purpose of the chapter is to integrate the understanding of diversity from different perspectives in Indian context and see how the holistic view emerges.

The methodology used is primarily the literature review of the concepts and their evolution in Indian context and the use of secondary sources to extract praxis information.

It emerged from the exploration on diversity practices at the societal as well as organizational level in India that the country demonstrates intent to mainstream the people from different wakes, but with the changing context the format of the practices has changed.

The basic premise of the chapter needs to be explored further through primary data from practice.

This chapter is novel in a way that it integrates the diversity scholarship of four different streams viz. caste, gender, disability, and generation. Most of the existing research focuses only on a thin slice/one key dimension of diversity.

The purpose of this paper is to apply five models of conflict negotiation (power‐based, interests‐based, needs‐based, dignity model and comprehensive systemic) to Hindu‐Muslim religious conflict in Ahmedabad city, India and assess their relative applicability.

The general principles of each of the five models of conflict negotiation are first laid out from literature review. The principles are then hypothetically applied to resolve the contextual particularities of the Hindu‐Muslim conflict that occurred in 2002 in Ahmedabad city, India.

The comprehensive systemic approach is a good model to be used as a diagnostic tool for assessing the Ahmedabad conflict. Following that diagnosis, however, a combination of the need‐based and dignity model is useful in effectively negotiating the conflict.

This article creates awareness about the advantages and drawbacks of popular models of negotiation; this will enable negotiators to adopt a more realistic approach while negotiating conflicts in the field. The paper recommends that, while trauma, emotions and fears are real, so are destruction of property, livelihood and resources – peace cannot be long‐term unless negotiation addresses questions of subjective as well as material violations by raising questions of distributive justice.

This article indicates that conflicts are complex processes rooted in particular places and hence negotiation should be contextual and experiential. Through a comparative evaluation of different approaches the paper provides a tool kit. However, it also elucidates how reality may require negotiators to be more spontaneous and hence adopt mix‐models.

This chapter enquires into the political struggles that have led to the gradual institutionalization of neoliberal policies in India. As India witnessed a surge in democratization since the 1980s, the state sought to implement a policy regime of privatization and liberalization, albeit with mixed success. This chapter's contribution is to focus on the party-movement relationships that were integral to establishing this new political economy. To this end the chapter undertakes an “event-centered” analysis of the failed authoritarian interlude of 1975–1977 (the Emergency) and its aftermath. Subsequent to this turning point, the chapter argues the two key political parties – the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress – converged upon and shaped support for a neoliberal project. In particular, the chapter traces the mechanisms by which the BJP seized the political opportunity opened during the wave of democratization that occurred from the Emergency period onward, gradually constructing a political bloc in opposition to socialism. Together with Congress Party policies “from above,” the populist mobilization led by the Hindu Right sought to embed neoliberalism by eroding the disciplinary power of the middle classes. In making this argument, the chapter offers a theory of neoliberalism as a political project that, even as it is led by particular agents such as sections of the capitalist class, technocrats, and/or organized global interests, nevertheless must be embedded through democratic processes.