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The confrontational stance of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) against the Civil Rights Movement (CRM) was a central factor in the outbreak of political violence in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s. The analysis of the RUC officers’ testimonies before the Scarman Tribunal of Inquiry discloses both the police knowledge and the pattern of interaction between police and protesters. The closed political opportunity structure (POS) for the CRM filtered in the police knowledge, proving it to be a thorough indicator of the state's prevailing strategy towards challengers. Yet, even within a state firmly intolerant of mass dissent police can occasionally decide to cooperate with protesters. In Derry, the RUC was often willing to, and in fact did, negotiate with protest leaders, showing at times a remarkably flexible approach. However, the negotiations occurred haphazardly outside institutional channels, with unpredictable outcomes. Consequently, protest-policing styles failed to soften and conflicts to deescalate.

This paper seeks to examine the level of co‐operation among organisations with different backgrounds, professional and regulatory relations and self‐perceptions for the purpose of efficiently managing a disaster.

The theoretical concept of this paper is presented within the organisational framework of risk perception and culture, and the interrelation among the involved parties. It will be enriched with cultural theory and the social construction of risk perception, along with the classification of organisations, according to their tasks and structure, proposed by the Disaster Research Center (DRC). In addition, issues on blame, secrecy, decision making and authority, communication, and training involved in the respective cultural context, are examined as the main causes that may prevent a(n) holistic approach to emergency management. On the other hand, the practical element of this study involves a case study analysis of the King's Cross Underground fire, in 1987. The outcome of operations and the 31 casualties reveal the cultural diversity among the involved agents in the managing of the respective disaster. The issue on “symbolic interaction” among agents may determine the institutional position of society during a disaster.

This paper stresses the potential for isomorphic learning as the most significant issue on the cultural context of organisations, during emergency operations.

In this sense, future practice should embrace the concept of isomorphic learning, within the cultural context of organisations; additional efforts should focus on the mutual exchange of information, resources and personnel among organisations, prior to a disaster.

Finally, this paper offers insight to organizations, in order to reduce the impact of cultural differences among them and enhance the issue of co‐ordination, during emergencies; it may serve the purpose of reducing human casualties, by supporting a(n) holistic approach on disaster management.

Civil wrongdoings with consequent financial and other loss or damage to employers, employees and third parties may result in the course of various trade union activities. These day to day trade union activities take a variety of forms. The most common ones are inducement of breach of contract, conspiracy, trespass, nuisance, and intimidation. Each of these activities constitutes a tort which, unless the statutory immunities apply, would normally give rise at common law to an action for damages or, as is more frequent, enable the aggrieved party to obtain an injunction.

The majority of New Commonwealth immigrants to Britain arrived during the 1950s and early 1960s but for them and their children, equal opportunities are not yet a reality. To understand why this is so, requires some background on the establishment of a multi‐racial society in Britain.

The cardinal point to note here is that the development (and unfortunately the likely potential) of area policy is intimately related to the actual character of British social policy. Whilst area policy has been strongly influenced by Pigou's welfare economics, by the rise of scientific management in the delivery of social services (cf Jaques 1976; Whittington and Bellamy 1979), by the accompanying development of operational analyses and by the creation of social economics (see Pigou 1938; Sandford 1977), social policy continues to be enmeshed with the flavours of Benthamite utilitatianism and Social Darwinism (see, above all, the Beveridge Report 1942; Booth 1889; Rowntree 1922, 1946; Webb 1926). Consequently, for their entire history area policies have been coloured by the principles of a national minimum for the many and giving poorer areas a hand up, rather than a hand out. The preceived need to save money (C.S.E. State Apparatus and Expenditure Group 1979; Klein 1974) and the (supposed) ennobling effects of self help have been the twin marching orders for area policy for decades. Private industry is inadvertently called upon to plug the resulting gaps in public provision. The conjunction of a reluctant state and a meandering private sector has fashioned the decaying urban areas of today. Whilst a large degree of party politics and commitment has characterised the general debate over the removal of poverty (Holman 1973; MacGregor 1981), this has for the most part bypassed the ‘marginal’ poorer areas (cf Green forthcoming). Their inhabitants are not usually numerically significant enough to sway general, party policies (cf Boulding 1967) and the problems of most notably the inner cities has been underplayed.

This paper commences with the recognition that so‐called zero tolerance policing strategies have been implemented and sustained ‐ both in the USA and Britain ‐ in response to a very widespread public demand. It is argued that dismissing this support as part of a reactionary political backlash fails to address some very legitimate public concerns. Consequently, this paper considers the socio‐political circumstances that have provided the conditions for this popular support in terms of the notion of postmodern politics, whereby political demands and subsequent strategies are introduced that appeal to a wide range of interest groups, and which cross over the traditional liberal/conservative divide. Examples are cited, from New York City in the USA, to various geographical locations in Britain, in order to support the argument that zero tolerance‐style policing needs to be driven by the concerns of the particular community in order to receive widespread legitimacy.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse the disorders that occurred in Manchester in 1981 and 2011 with the aim of comparing the similarities and differences that have been put forward to explain why these events occurred. The paper further seeks to evaluate the tactics that might be used in future years to police disaffected communities.

The research for this paper is library‐based, making considerable use of primary sources that relate to events in 1981 and 2011. The objectives of this research are addressed by examining a number of key themes: the 1981 Moss Side riot: explanations for the 1981 Moss Side riot: the 2011 riots in Greater Manchester: explanations of the causes of the 2011 riots in Manchester: the future policing of disaffected communities in Manchester.

The research established that although there were many similarities in the events that occurred in 1981 and 2011, there were also important differences that reflect social, economic and cultural changes that have affected society since 1981. It also rejects the opinion that a more aggressive style of policing is the only way to police disaffected communities to prevent a repetition of events that took place in 2011.

The research suggests that the way forward for the policing of disaffected communities lies in an approach that seeks to engage hearts and minds rather than one that aims to quell dissent through coercive methods.

The paper presents an original comparison of events that took place in one area of Britain in 1981 and 2011. The interpretation of material relating to the causes of rioting and future policing policies is informed by both academic and practitioner perspectives.

Attempts to analyse the role of the judge in interpreting statute law. Looks at the traditional British rules of interpretation, presumptions and jurisprudential policy in the construction of statutes. Examines the dramatics change of attitude by British judges necessitated by European law and provides some thoughts on the interpretation and construction of enactments by judges. Continues by covering the judge’s interpretation of common law through the doctrine of judicial precedent, with regard to the hierarchy of the courts and persuasive precedents. Cites a number of case examples.

This article offers an insight into the experiences of female officers working within the post‐Soviet Ukrainian militia, based on data collected from nearly 500 serving officers in Kyiv, interviews with staff and students at the National Academy of Internal Affairs and with senior members of the Ukrainian Ministry of Interior. It presents data showing that women officers are significantly more dissatisfied with their role, have a poorer relationship with their line managers and perceive that they receive a more authoritarian and directive style of management than their male counterparts. It goes on to propose a three‐tier model of reform designed to address gender discrimination in the Ukrainian militia.