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Using evidence from Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia and Indonesia, the purpose of this paper is to explore how Islamic welfare regime notion evolves in a South East Asian (SEA) context.

To gain a broad frame of reference in discussing Islamic welfare regimes in SEA, this paper employs a combined political-economic and cultural approach to analyze how Islamic welfare ethics in Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia and Indonesia are developed. The specific criterion used to make a comparative analysis of these countries is an interconnection between four levels of Islamic welfare actors (state, market, community and household/relatives) in providing social welfare.

Malaysia and Indonesia have demonstrated the most balanced form of “Islamic welfare diamond” in the relationship between welfare actors, even as the state-centered welfare initiative continues to be expanded, while Brunei has taken a different route. A monarchical political system underpinned by high economic growth has enabled the state to play a major role in welfare distribution, rather than other welfare actors. For this reason, Malaysia and Indonesia are described as having an “Islamic inclusive welfare regime,” while Brunei is reported to have an “Islamic welfare state regime.”

For the purpose of theoretical advancements, there is no doubt that this paper has proposed an alternative framework to developing an understanding of how the Islamic ethical code is articulated in a wide range of welfare configurations within the “South East Asian context.”

Political analyses of the East Asian welfare state development often stress the importance of the power resource model, in which vibrant coalitions between the leftist party, interest groups, civil society and working-class unions have become driving factors in producing generous welfare outcomes. Challenging such analyses, this article discusses the convergence of the political attitude between political actors who are increasingly homogeneous (supportive) when it comes to the universal welfare state notion by focussing on childcare in South Korea.

By using desk review of the peer-reviewed literature and reports, this article investigates the causation for why political parties with different political ideologies were keen on extending childcare programs and its outcome in addressing the existing demographic problems in Korea.

Although the collective movement, especially in the 1990s and 2000s, had given important contributions to the early development of childcare in South Korea, more breakthroughs in childcare features were precisely and rapidly developed after politicians from different spectrums of political affiliations converged in their supportive attitude of the universal welfare. The driving factors of political convergence itself are not merely due to electoral competition or political activism; furthermore, it can be linked to the increased global institution involvement in domestic policy with extensive permeability, which, have ruined domestic policy development maintained for ideological reasoning and bring in more popular policy setting.

This article contributes to the growing literature on the political aspect of East Asian social policy studies, which goes beyond the traditional power resource analysis and makes a novel contribution to the childcare policy studies.

Over the last four decades, Turkey has built an elaborate social assistance regime, which provides extensive coverage of the poor but lacks some of the key characteristics of European minimum income protection systems. The purpose of this paper is to explore what ideational roots underlie the regime and how these ideas and paradigms historically shaped the structure of the regime. The paper focuses on two central social assistance legislations: the social pensions law of 1976 and the Law that established the Fund for the Encouragement of Social Cooperation and Solidarity in 1986.

Based on a discursive institutionalist approach, the paper combines a qualitative content analysis of parliamentary debates and official reports with a policy analysis of social assistance legislations in Turkey.

The paper shows that two competing policy paradigms shaped the ambivalent structure and design of Turkey social assistance regime: a welfare state paradigm and a state-organised charity paradigm. The welfare state paradigm, which perceives social assistance as a social right, was dominant in the 1970s and is embodied in the social pension programme. The state-organised charity paradigm, which aims to reinvigorate the Islamic tradition of charitable foundations (waqf), was dominant in the 1980s and is embodied in the Fund for the Encouragement of Social Cooperation and Solidarity. Today’s social assistance regime combines both elements in a curious synthesis.

The paper contributes to comparative social policy research and discursive institutionalism by uncovering the historical and ideational foundations of a largely neglected case, social assistance in Turkey.

This paper models the benefits of Islamic banking on the efficiency of the banking sector and on societal happiness. This paper aims to examine how the adoption of Islamic banking to various degrees affects economics outcomes.

This study uses machine-learning tools to build a happiness function and integrate it in an agent-based model to test for the direct and indirect welfare effects of implementing Islamic banking principles.

This study shows that even though Islamic banking systems tend to reduce economic activity, financial stability and societal happiness is improved. Additionally, a banking sector using Islamic principles across all its members is better equipped to handle banking crises because contagion to both economic activity and societal welfare is greatly reduced. At the same time, adoption of the profit-and-loss sharing (PLS) paradigm by banks may also slow down economic growth.

The findings extend existing literature on the advantages of Islamic banking, by quantifying the welfare benefits of the PLS paradigm on happiness and financial stability.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this paper is the first to combine agent-based modelling with machine learning tools to examine the benefits of the Islamic banking model on financial stability, social welfare and unemployment.

The objective in this paper is to show that a generalised theory of development financing in Islamic context assumes a detailed general equilibrium approach to the solution of the following interrelated problems: The objective criterion of Islamic development co‐operation is recognised as the optimisation of an underlying ‘ummatic’‘shura’‐based social welfare function in the sense of social consensus formation. This social welfare model is implicitly invoked here, not explicitly formalised. The reader is referred to the glossary of Arabic terms used in this paper.

In 1979, twenty‐five hundred years of monarchy came to an abrupt end in Iran. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic, the new regime has weathered internal uprisings, a costly war with Iraq, and international sanctions. It is interesting to learn the extent to which economic adversities faced by Iran have been ideologically driven. In order to assess this phenomenon, this paper utilizes a framework of analysis laid out by the scholarship of Islamic economics. In section I, the paper discusses some economic forces which underlay the 1979 tumult. Subsequently, a discussion of the new economic and social order is given. An assessment is made in the final section.

The purpose of this paper is to find out if there is any convergence between the Third Way in Europe and the Conservative Democracy in Turkey in their politico‐economic strategies for dealing with the social question with the thought that both the political identities have come into existence as a consequence of a similar initiative to reformulate their egalitarian cores according to the realpolitik of contemporary capitalism, and uncover the consequences of the so‐called strategies specifically in the realm of welfare and labour policies.

This inquiry has been contextualised into the evolutionary cycles of the socialism → social democracy → the Third Way in Europe and the Just Order → Conservative Democracy in the Ottoman‐Turkish territory. Initially focusing on the first cycle, the paper then turns to examine the second cycle in a comparative and synchorised perspective with the first.

It is concluded that the Conservative Democracy and the Third way have an unmistakable convergence in terms not only of their evolution but also of their strategic policy options to deal with the social question. Their convergence originates in the initiative to find a middle ground between the contemporary capitalism and their egalitarian cores. Such a reconciliative attempt by the both models ends up in a stalemate that triggers recurring conciliative initiatives rather than yield to stable and sustainable policy options which enable their practitioners to deal with the social question in an efficient way.

The paper touches on the general points of convergence between the Conservative Democracy and the Third Way in the political economy of social question. The next step should, hence, be to further this argument by means of specifically dealing with the welfare and labour policies in separate in‐depth research.

This paper is the first in its inquiry as stated above in the purpose and its comparative methodology to deal with this inquiry.

The purpose of this study is to explain the effect of a tax-free regime of socioeconomics in the social well-being function. This paper carries on the message that has been recognized in the economic theory and by many for a long time now. This is that the incidence of all forms of taxes – direct and indirect taxes – proves to cause inequitable distribution of wealth. The rich still comprises the top 1 per cent of the income earners despite the existence of heavy tax burden. This paper goes beyond this observation and its explanation to make the case that the tax regime also causes distortionary effects in the generalized system of social and economic relations.

In the midst of the generalized system of simulating the well-being function, subject to what is called the circular causation system of the endogenous variables is explained by the critical parameter of the epistemic nature in the unity of knowledge by complementarities between the variables signifying the good choices.

This paper also contrarily establishes and explains the nature of equitable production and distribution of income in society at large. The tax-free regime is explained to generate and sustain balanced inter-causality between the critical variables in the generalized system of equations for simulating the well-being function. Some of the special properties of the evolutionary learning kind of the well-being simulation problem in the tax-free regime are brought out.

Empirical work could follow.

Of special interest are the Arab Middle Eastern countries, most of which do not levy tax on households; with a small rate on businesses.

This paper goes beyond this observation and its explanation to make the case that the tax regime also causes distortionary effects in the generalized system of social and economic relations. Most importantly, the presence of tax regime disturbs the balanced forms of inter-causality between the critical variables of the social and economic type. The social well-being is thus eroded in the midst of a tax regime.

This paper is a rare one of its kind to bring out the question surrounding the tax-free regimes usually practiced in Islamic fiscal theory and today adopted by many Muslim countries in the Middle East.

The purpose of this paper is to bring out with analytical argumentation and mathematical treatment the central problem of Islamic economics, finance, institutionalism and socio‐scientific thought as it is being practiced today and for some time now. The problem arises from the failure of contemporary Islamic intellection to formulate its methodology according to the cardinal principle, and the singularly central and minimal axiom of all its inferences. This is the precept of the oneness of God explained in terms of the epistemology of unity of divine knowledge and the unity of the consequential knowledge‐induced world‐system.

The objective is achieved by mathematical theorems for pointing out the impossibility problem of Islamic economics and finance. The analytical alternative in the epistemological framework of unity of knowledge, or the functional law of oneness of God in its functional ontological functioning in economics and finance are formalized.

A number of Impossibility Theorems of Islamic economics and finance are stated and solved. Alternative epistemological premise and its functional nature are presented in the light of unity of knowledge or what is known as the law of oneness of God and its application to the unified world‐system.

This is a theoretical paper based on analytical argumentation and mathematical formalism to bring out the theorems that state and resolve the problem of impossibility of attaining the goals of Islamic economics and finance under their present pursuit.

Although the paper is of a theoretical nature it has profound practical extensions. The principal ones are in the direction of developing the structure of Islamic economy and financing within a globally interactive, integrative and evolutionary system of practical interrelations. Such a structuring will embed the economy, finance, business and society in an organic model of unity of interrelations.

The paper presents a new social and ethical meaning to the present exogenous treatment of Islamic economics that proceeds on by an exogenous treatment of morality, ethics and their functioning in an unsustainable economic, finance, and social order.

This paper is emphatically original. It questions the entire premise and methodological orientation of the prevailing nature of Islamic economics and finance. The intellection and its application based on the absence of unity of knowledge as the divine mooring of Islamic intellection in everything has been distanced or treated as an exogenous still‐born axiom having no dynamics in the analytical and functional system otherwise.

The Indonesian healthcare system has been reformed in tune with economic and political changes. The reform was pursued by encouraging growing reliance on individual contributions. Consolidating citizens' support has become increasingly important for the long-term sustainability of the programme. This study explores individual views and experiences in negotiating solutions for health security under the situation where pre-industrial modes of informal network remain intact, while private healthcare continues to be in demand by population segments targeted by the system.

Individual attitudes toward the current healthcare system were explored using online interviews (N = 75) in the cities of Jakarta and Yogyakarta, Indonesia. The qualitative exploratory approach resorted to personal views on the importance of the state, family and market in health risk management. Perceptions on who should be responsible for healthcare, and the political legitimacy of the welfare-state approach to healthcare were also observed. A thematic coding strategy was used for the data analysis.

Those interviewed value and support the formal system (either state and market), yet place reliance on informal support (family and relatives). Intertwining views of religious teaching, filial piety, moral obligation were the most common reasons for individuals to support such dual welfare systems. The findings reflect the common attitudes toward welfare in the context of changing realities of individualised society at the early stage.

This article represents a valuable contribution at the empirical level because it provides an assessment of individuals' attitudes toward Indonesia's recent health arrangements. Such individuals are those belonging to the targeted population of the contributory system. This study also offers an alternative framework for understanding the nature of the healthcare regime generated from the perspectives of individuals.