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The concept of a ‘green new deal’ for Africa will provide a joined-up approach to managing the impact of extreme climatic events. In this regard, the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) green deal arrangements offer Africa lessons to consider in a green agenda. By recourse to green theory, which is a critique of existing power structures and nationalistic and political positions concerning climate change, we explore mechanisms for fostering collective action and collaboration through an African green deal. Building on the African Union's existing agencies and arms, this chapter argues that an African Union Green Deal post–COVID-19 is crucial to achieving sustainable economic growth and development within the continent's Agenda 2063. The African continent should take advantage of collaboration opportunities within the continent and the European Union, thereby strengthening its financing and governance structures.

This paper seeks to examine evidence of new forms of regionalisation in both theory and practice, and the relationship between the two. In so doing, it aims to demonstrate the essential complementarity, rather than widely argued alternativeness, of both conventional and new forms of inter‐local collaboration at the regional level. The paper also seeks to demonstrate the importance of institutional and local legacies for the nature of regionalisation.

The paper is based on interviews by the author with economic policy makers in several city regions in Europe and North America over the last three years, and the results of a series of workshops involving many of these very policy makers.

There is growing evidence of new forms of inter‐local region building being adopted by policy makers in response to a perceived need to maintain/improve economic competitiveness. Concerns about “giving away” powers and resources when engaging in usual conventional, formalised, fixed forms of regionalisation have created reluctance among many local actors to do so. The need to be more responsive to rapidly changing economic conditions, coupled to a realisation of the need for concerted action, have encouraged economic policy makers to adopt new, more experimental forms of region‐wide collaboration.

The findings not only challenge established practices and a conventional focus on planning and technocratic views of “regions”, but also raise questions about the prevalent regulation theory‐inspired arguments in academic debate. Instead, “virtual regionalisation” seems to open new opportunities for defining meaning and operation of “regions” and “regionalism”, with the different backgrounds in Europe and North America allowing a somewhat more “open mind” in the latter than the former.

The paper illustrates that in many regions in Europe and North America there is now a multitude of actors and organisations seeking to promote regional competitiveness and growth.

Much has been written recently about the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and more specifically, the report of 22nd June, 2000, wherein a number of countries and territories were identified by the FATF as being non‐cooperative in the fight against money laundering. Also in the same month, the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) published a report, listing 35 jurisdictions considered to be operating harmful tax regimes. Additional reports have been produced by a number of other world organisations, and a host of publications have carried reports and articles in which countries have been named, and effectively shamed in this respect. Many of those named countries happen to be situated within the Caribbean.

This paper aims to present a case study of the Philadelphia region's efforts to implement a regional approach to economic development by relying on business‐civic leadership to transcend governmental boundaries.

The paper examines the role of leadership in organizations representing business interests, and the competing and conflicting perspectives on the “right” scale to do so – local and/or regional, drawing on participatory insights into the relevant processes.

While ad‐hoc partnerships and governance are often recognized as important elements of economic competitiveness for metropolitan areas by key civic and business leaders, established localist and institutional‐organizational interests and strategies may counteract that. Overcoming long‐established fragmentation requires a high level of attention to symbolism and the details of inclusiveness in organizational and spatial terms.

The recognition and study of city‐regional governance is very topical. The contribution of this paper is timely and offers a rare insight into the practical side of city‐regional governance, thus illuminating theoretical arguments.

The purpose of this paper is to quantify and analyze the relative impact of agriculture Trade liberalization and South Asian Free Trade Agreement (SAFTA) over the global economic welfare. The objectives are to analyze and quantify the potential economic cost and benefits of the prospective trade between India and Pakistan to consumers, producers and government of the two countries by analyzing the potential economic costs and benefits of Pak‐India trade in exporting various consumer goods.

The Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) database is the database for the GTAP model of the world economy, which is publicly available. The main data source for this model is “The GTAP 4 Data Base” which is easy to adapt to appropriate sectoral and regional aggregations that allow one to focus on specific policy questions. The regional databases in the model are derived from individual country input‐output (I/O) tables that provide information about the individual regional economies in the model. The bilateral trade data are primarily derived from the United Nations Commodity Trade database. The economic research service (ERS) of the United States Department of Agriculture supplies the missing information in the UN trade data.

The first scenario is when normal trading relations with India will be restored; it means that each country will give the most‐favored‐nations (MFN) status to the other. In the second scenario, the SAFTA will be operative, and there will be free trade between India and Pakistan, and both countries will remove all tariffs and custom duties from each other's imports. The GTAP model is used to analyze the possible impact of SAFTA on Pakistan in a multi‐country, multi‐sector applied general equilibrium framework.

The analysis based on simulations reveals that current demand for Pakistani consumer items will expand after the free trade agreement (FTA) and consumer surplus will increase. The export of consumer items may be conducted by two scenarios, i.e. when normal trading relations between Pakistan and India will be restored and when there will be a free trade between Pakistan and India in the presence of SAFTA. Results based on this research reveal that, on SAFTA grounds, there will be net export benefits in Pakistan's economy.