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This paper aims to manage the dilemma of cyberspace operations, as the incidence of cybercrimes has increased tremendously in the past few decades, turning cyberspace into a field of war in which all nations must fight. For many countries, cyberattacks and conflicts, and even the basic operation of cyberspace in general, are new territories. Furthermore, international law today does not address many aspects of cyber warfare, as it typically has dealt with only traditional warfare.

This study examined this crime whether it is a domestic or an international crime and whether cyber wars are under international law or domestic law to address these issues.

Although many attempts to criminalize these actions occurred, the findings suggest that the world has failed to frame the legal instruments against cyberattacks. The findings also suggest recommendations to solve this issue.

To the best of the author’s knowledge, this study analyzed the comparison between the same crime in the perspective of domestic and international law, highlighting an unsolved dilemma in the world, suggesting some unprecedented solutions to solve.

This study aims to analyze the establishment of sustainable microfranchises by women victims of the conflict (WVC) entrepreneurs who suffered the consequences and impacts of the longest-running internal conflict in the Americas. Additionally, this research seeks to underscore the transformative role of women entrepreneurs-for-peace (WE4P) in a post-peace agreement society.

This study seeks to contribute to theory building on sustainable business models (SBMs) at the base of the pyramid (BoP) theory from a single case study of the Colombian microfranchise TechOil. The theoretical sampling process guided the selection of data sources, which include semi-structured interviews, company and microfranchise donors’ reports, websites and external expert interviews to support the findings. The research adopts a framework of intro-entrepreneurship characteristics, ambiance, organization and sustainability.

TechOil offers a valuable case study for understanding how the phenomenon of microfranchise as an SBM spills over the BoP and promotes gender equality. The authors also developed a new SBM typology by extending the theory inductively.

The paper highlights WE4P and introduces microfranchises as a new SBM typology, offering insights into policy, practice and societal transformation in post-peace agreement zones.

The issue of WVC entrepreneurs in post-peace agreement settings remains under-reviewed and under-theorized. This study’s originality lies in introducing microfranchises as a new SBM typology, emphasizing the importance of gender equality and women’s roles in sustainable development and addressing the overlooked link between entrepreneurship and peace, contributing to global applicability.

Este estudio tiene como objetivo analizar el establecimiento de microfranquicias sostenibles por parte de emprendedoras Víctimas del Conflicto (WVC, por sus siglas en inglés) que sufrieron las consecuencias e impactos del conflicto interno más largo en América. Además, esta investigación busca resaltar el papel transformador de las mujeres emprendedoras por la paz (WE4P) en una sociedad posterior a un acuerdo de paz.

Este estudio busca contribuir a la construcción de teoría sobre modelos de negocios sostenibles - SBM según la teoría de la Base de la Pirámide - BoP a partir de un estudio de caso único de la microfranquicia colombiana TechOil. El proceso de muestreo teórico guió la selección de fuentes de datos, que incluyen entrevistas semiestructuradas, informes de la empresa y donantes de microfranquicias, sitios web y entrevistas con expertos externos para respaldar los hallazgos. La investigación adopta un marco de características introemprendedoras, ambiente, organización y sostenibilidad.

TechOil ofrece un valioso estudio de caso para comprender cómo el fenómeno de la microfranquicia como SBM se extiende más allá de la BoP y promueve la igualdad de género. Los autores también desarrollaron una nueva tipología de SBM al extender la teoría de manera inductiva.

El artículo destaca a las WE4P e introduce las microfranquicias como una nueva tipología de SBM, ofreciendo ideas sobre política, práctica y transformación social en zonas posteriores a un acuerdo de paz.

El tema de las emprendedoras WVC en contextos posteriores a un acuerdo de paz sigue siendo poco estudiado y teorizado. La originalidad de este artículo radica en introducir las microfranquicias como una nueva tipología de SBM, enfatizando la importancia de la igualdad de género y el papel de las mujeres en el desarrollo sostenible, y abordando el vínculo pasado por alto entre el emprendimiento y la paz, contribuyendo a la aplicabilidad global.

Este estudo tem como objetivo analisar o estabelecimento de microfranquias sustentáveis por empreendedoras Vítimas do Conflito (WVC) que sofreram as consequências e impactos do conflito interno mais longo das Américas. Além disso, esta pesquisa busca destacar o papel transformador das mulheres empreendedoras pela paz (WE4P) em uma sociedade pós-acordo de paz.

Este estudo busca contribuir para a construção de teoria sobre modelos de negócios sustentáveis - SBM segundo a teoria da Base da Pirâmide - BoP a partir de um estudo de caso único da microfranquia colombiana TechOil. O processo de amostragem teórica orientou a seleção de fontes de dados, que incluem entrevistas semiestruturadas, relatórios da empresa e doadores de microfranquias, sites e entrevistas com especialistas externos para respaldar os achados. A pesquisa adota um quadro de características introempreendedoras, ambiente, organização e sustentabilidade.

A TechOil oferece um valioso estudo de caso para entender como o fenômeno da microfranquia como SBM se estende além da BoP e promove a igualdade de gênero. Os autores também desenvolveram uma nova tipologia de SBM ao estender a teoria de forma indutiva.

O artigo destaca as WE4P e introduz as microfranquias como uma nova tipologia de SBM, oferecendo insights sobre política, prática e transformação social em zonas pós-acordo de paz.

O tema das empreendedoras WVC em contextos pós-acordo de paz ainda é pouco estudado e pouco teorizado. A originalidade deste artigo reside em introduzir as microfranquias como uma nova tipologia de SBM, enfatizando a importância da igualdade de gênero e o papel das mulheres no desenvolvimento sustentável, e abordando o elo negligenciado entre empreendedorismo e paz, contribuindo para a aplicabilidade global.

This paper aims to discuss the positioning of international organisations (IOs) in the realm of international law. It proposes a more robust approach, arguing IOs have legal obligations akin to states to the extent which could be fulfilled by them. This paper suggests making IOs parties to international treaties like the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), International Covenant on Economic Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and Geneva Convention 1949 to codify their international responsibilities. In addition, it proposes amending multilateral treaties to grant IOs membership and create binding legal obligations for them, thereby enhancing the overall legal framework for IOs.

The paper opted for qualitative analytical approach of research by referring to international treaties and scholarly papers.

The authors have evaluated the bindingness of international law on IOs. The authors argue that jus cogens and customary international law are equally binding on IOs. However, treaties could only be binding on IOs to the extent of their consent. The authors have assessed prior violations of IOs. The authors argue that, to prevent such violations by IOs, creating obligations is the first step. Second, amendments are required in the existing international treaties that reflect the foundations of international humanitarian and international human rights law like the Geneva Convention 1949, ICCPR, and ICESCR, to permit IOs to join these treaties, resulting in binding international legal obligations.

The most prominent assertion of this paper is that IOs as subjects of international law are bound by the principles of international law, including treaty law with consent, customary international laws, general principles of law and peremptory norms. To fulfil these obligations, a regime needs to be introduced wherein amendment is made in treaties to make IOs parties to them and structuring the law on responsibility for IOs. Considering the multifaceted nature of IO, the role it performs in contemporary times requires them to be bound by rules of international law just like states. There is a need to settle their position in global governance and give them more teeth to understand and fulfil their duties to ensure smooth functioning in the long run.

The paper fulfils an identified gap in the positioning of IOs under the international law.

The destruction of armed confrontations – ranging from chronic armed conflicts to full-scale wars – leads to enormous loss of human lives and causes wide-scale devastation. They also leave deep and lasting traumas in the minds of those whose lives are torn apart because of a conflict. Memorialisation of conflict-affected sites plays an invaluable part in post-trauma recovery and can contribute to the reconciliation of different groups involved in a conflict as these sites are representatives of communities' collective memory, identity and a source of unity and resilience. This paper aims to investigate post-trauma recovery and reconciliation processes through the phenomena of memorialisation. It aims to answer how and if the memorialisation of sites of pain can contribute to the recovery and reconciliation of affected communities and serve as examples for other people around the world.

The documentation of such processes and the lessons learnt can offer valuable information for conducting similar exercises in other settings ravaged by a conflict. To achieve this, a review of literature on trauma, memory, memorialisation and difficult heritage was conducted, while the memorialisation processes from different cases such as Hiroshima and Nagasaki (1939–1945), Beirut (1975–1990) and Sarajevo's Vijecnica and Mostar Bridge (1992–1995) were analysed.

It was identified that the potential of memorialisation for post-trauma recovery and reconciliation is vast. However, if these processes can “heal” or “hurt” depend largely on who the stakeholders are; how the site and events are interpreted and presented; how pre/post-conflict relationships and dynamics are harnessed; how symbolic meanings (old and new) are [re]interpreted; the spatial-temporal nature of the site and those interacting with it; and the intended and perceived messages. Altogether, memorialisation of conflict-affected sites is a political and continuous process that should take into consideration all those directly and indirectly involved, the dynamics between them and all the symbolic meanings acquired and attributed to the site.

The study critically explores frameworks of memorialisation and their impact on both the built environment and communities. It contributes to the wider discussion of difficult heritage memorialisation and approaches to reflect on sites and cities emerging from crises such as conflict.

The current political situation in Europe has amplified economic sanctions as a retaliatory measure for states not directly involved in the conflict but wanting to influence the political situation. The purpose of this paper is to further understand the interplay of the neutrality principle and employment of economic sanctions.

Through an extensive literature review, heavily based on the publications of the Swiss Confederacy, neutrality as a foreign policy serving to promote Swiss interests is explored. The room for interpretation and freedom of action in the neutrality principle is highlighted above all.

Economic sanctions are compatible with the neutrality principle, but do not necessarily further the same purpose. Political pressure to participate in sanctions does not take into consideration the ways in which the credibility of neutrality can be implicated, as well as the value of protecting Switzerland’s role as an international mediator.

The consistency with which the neutrality principle is translated into the modern geopolitical context is crucial for its longevity. The novelty of the current political sanctions, still unfolding, demands a careful examination into the history of neutrality and the use of sanctions. No better insight can be offered than by the development of neutrality in the history of the titan of neutrality, Switzerland.

The Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 outlines sustainability as associated with peace, good governance and justice. The perception of international tourists about security measures and risks is a key factor affecting destination choices, tourist flow and overall satisfaction. Thus, we investigate the impact of armed forces personnel, prices, economic stability, financial development and infrastructure on tourism.

This research used data from 130 countries from 1995 to 2019, which were divided into four income groups. This study employs a two-step generalized method of moments (GMM) technique and a novel tourism index comprising five relevant indicators of tourism.

A 1% increase in armed forces personnel expands tourism in all income groups – 0.369% High Income Countries (HICs), 0.348% Upper Middle Income Countries (UMICs), 0.247% Lower Middle Income Countries (LMICs) and 0.139% Low Income Countries (LICs). The size of the tourism-safety coefficient decreases from high to low-income groups. The impact of inflation is significantly negative in all panels, excluding LICs. The reduction in tourism was 0.033% in HICs, 0.049% in UMICs and 0.029% in LMICs for a 1% increase in prices. The increase in the global tourism index is more in LICs (0.055%), followed by LMICs (0.024%), UMICs (0.009%) and HICs (0.004%) for a 1% expansion in the gross domestic product (GDP)/capita growth. However, the magnitude of the growth-led tourism impact is greater in developing countries. A positive impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflow was found in all panels like 0.016% in HICs, 0.050% in UMICs and 0.119% in LMICs for a 1% increase in FDI inflow. The rise in the global tourism index is 0.097% (HICs), 0.124% (UMICs) and 0.310% (LMICs) for a 1% rise in the financial development index. The increase in the global tourism index is 0.487% (HICs), 0.420% (UMICs) and 0.136% (LICs) for a 1% rise in the infrastructure index.

Empirical analysis infers important policy implications such as (a) establishment of a peaceful environment via recruitment of security personnel, use of safe city cameras, modern technology and law enforcement; (b) provision of basic facilities to tourists like sanitation, drinking water, electricity, accommodation, quality food, fuel and communication network and (c) price stability through different tools of monetary and fiscal policy.

First, it explains the effect of security personnel on a comprehensive index of tourism instead of a single variable of tourism. Second, it captures the importance of economic stability (i.e., economic growth, financial development and FDI inflow) in the tourism–peace nexus.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the challenges encountered by international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) operating in armed conflicts within the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and the Central African Republic (CAR). Through a 20-month fieldwork analysis, this research maps logistical risks and highlights key obstacles on the ground for successful humanitarian deployments in dynamically changing and complex environments. The study brings together academics and practitioners, providing practical and concrete recommendations for nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to focus on in the conflict zones studied.

Using a mixed-methods approach that combines qualitative and quantitative methods, this research provides valuable insights into the challenges faced by INGOs in conflict zones. After collecting data from the field, including interviews with key stakeholders and on-the-ground observations, the data analysis uses software tools such as Text Analysis Markup System analyzer and Macbeth. By adhering to ethical principles and incorporating a reflexive analysis, the study sheds light on the multidimensional nature of successful humanitarian deployments.

The primary risk in all armed conflict zones, including the DRC and CAR, is insecurity. However, to achieve a successful humanitarian deployment in such contexts, a multidimensional approach is required. This involves first securing the acceptance of local communities and conflict parties, which can be achieved through a deep understanding of both political and customary structures, with a focus on respecting key engagement leaders. Sustainability also plays a crucial role, and NGOs must maintain a secure stock of energy and provide greater initiative for on-the-ground managers to meet the expressed needs of beneficiary populations and involve them from the planning stage onwards. Finally, effective communication, cooperation and collaboration with United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs are essential to overcome procurement, technical and security risks, particularly during the initial deployment phases.

This study provides an illustration of the uncommon practice of conducting collaborative research in humanitarian settings amidst two neighboring areas of armed conflict. The authors identified 268 common risk factors across eight categories during five deployment phases. To analyze these risks based on criticality and NGO responsiveness, the authors used a multicriteria method. This approach allowed the authors to validate unanimous judgments, resulting in valuable insights and concrete recommendations.

The escalation of Turkish intervention in Arab internal affairs before and after the revolutions of the Arab Spring, particularly the military intervention. Sometimes Ankara threatens with military intervention and sometimes establishes large military bases in Arab countries: Qatar, Somalia and Iraq. Moreover, it carries out extensive military operations within the borders of some Arab countries such as Iraq and Syria. This type of behavior requires a study that takes into consideration the reasons of such behavior and future implications on the relations between the Arab and Turkish parties.

The theoretical framework of the study will follow neorealism, as the basis for understanding Turkish pragmatic foreign policy adopted in managing its international relations and interests with various countries.

The situation in Afrin after a year of Turkish occupation confirms this. Erdogan may not go ahead with a new military operation in east Euphrates and northern Syria. He may prefer instead he may deem it better to control the safe area in the north through the revival of the agreement of Adana of 1998. However, Turkey's desire to control northern Syria, which represents a quarter of the country, faces tough resistance of Turkish groups, Russian-Syrian rejection and European-American resentment. Control of the Syrian north may be subject to concessions and consensus among these powers without excluding any of them.

States in the international system, such as companies in the local economy, have the same main interest: that’s survival. It is worth noting that Waltz’s neorealistic theory cannot be applied to domestic national politics. It cannot contribute to the development of state policies relating to its international and internal affairs. His theory only helps to explain the reason behind the similar behavior of countries despite having different forms of governments and diversity of political ideologies. It also explains why the comprehensive international relations have not changed despite the growing decentralization of these countries.

How does neorealism explain Turkish military intervention in Syria since 2016?

This study explores the evolving dynamics of participatory accountability within humanitarian contexts, where digitally connected crisis-affected populations demand better accountability from aid organisations, and as a result, shift traditional hierarchies and relationships between humanitarian agencies and beneficiaries.

This study employs a case study approach, focussing on the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), to investigate how participatory accountability manifests outside formal practices and re-emerges in social media spaces. The study analyses internal organisational challenges and explores the implications of digital platforms on humanitarian practices. The authors employ Chouliaraki and Georgiou's (2015, 2019, 2022) networks of mediation, particularly intermediation and transmediation, to understand how digital expressions translate to offline contexts and reshape meanings and actions.

The study reveals that social media platforms enable beneficiaries to demand participatory accountability beyond traditional practices, democratising humanitarian response and challenging power structures. These effects are multifaceted, introducing enhanced democratic and inclusive humanitarian aid as well as new vulnerabilities. Digital intermediaries and gatekeepers play pivotal roles in curating and disseminating crisis-affected voices, which, when transmediated, result in nuanced meanings and understandings. Positive effects include capturing the potential of digital networks for democratic aid, while negative effects give rise to moral responsibilities, necessitating proactive measures from the ICRC.

This study contributes to the literature by highlighting the impact of digital technology, particularly social media, on participatory accountability. It expands the understanding of the evolving landscape of accountability within the humanitarian sector and offers critical insights into the complexities and dual purposes of participatory accountability in contexts of resistance. Employing Chouliaraki and Georgiou's networks of mediation adds depth to the understanding of digital technology's role in shaping participatory practices and introduces the concept of transmediation as a bridge between digital expressions and tangible actions.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the dynamic changes of the arms trade network not only from the network structure but also the influence mechanism from the aspects of the economy, politics, security, strategy and transaction costs.

The study employs the Temporal Exponential Random Graph Model and the Separable Temporal Exponential Random Graph Model to analyze the endogenous network structure effect, the attribute effect and the exogenous network effect of 47 major arms trading countries from 2015 to 2020.

The results show that the international arms trade market is unevenly distributed, and there are great differences in military technology. There is a fixed hierarchical structure in the arms trade, but the rise of emerging countries is expected to break this situation. In international arms trade relations, economic forces dominate, followed by political, security and strategic factors.

Economic and political factors play an important role in the arms trade. Therefore, countries should strive to improve their economic strength and military technology. Also, countries should increase political mutual trust and gain a foothold in the industrial chain of arms production to enhance their military power.

The contribution of this paper is to analyze the special trade area of arms trade from a dynamic network perspective by incorporating economic, political, security, strategic and transaction cost factors together into the TERGM and STERGM models.