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Public relations (PR) education has not kept pace with the rapid globalisation that has occurred since 1992. The existing PR body of knowledge, and PR curricula around the world, have a US bias. In order to prepare PR students in various parts of the world to become effective multicultural professionals it is essential for experiences and perspectives from other continents to be integrated into PR education. The complexities of societal factors such as culture, political systems and media systems make Asia a challenging place to conduct strategic PR. It is time for educators to integrate experiences from other continents into the PR body of knowledge, thereby building PR curricula that contribute to training truly multicultural PR professionals.

Recent decades have witnessed great interest in Leon Trotsky’s idea of uneven and combined development (UCD) by Marxist scholars of International Relations (IR). A burgeoning literature has argued that one interpretation, Justin Rosenberg’s U&CD, resolves the question of ‘the international’ by offering a single, non-Realist theory capable of uniting both sociological and geopolitical factors in the explanation of social change across history. Evaluating this claim, this paper argues that the transhistorical ways in which U&CD has been developed reproduce, reaffirm and reinforce some of the more important shortcomings of Realist IR. I develop my argument through an internal critique of Rosenberg’s conception of U&CD, which, I argue, is illustrative of larger shortcomings within the literature. I conclude that the political and geopolitical economy of UCD and their dynamics must be grasped through the specific social and historical relations in which they are immersed.

International relations are involved in an undesirable order at the present time. It is emphatically necessary to propound firm principles to regulate the relationships among states and nations, and new laws and regulations are to be enacted at the international level. The purpose of this paper is to enumerate some of the main guide stones for development of Islamic thoughts in the fields of international humanities.

The authors enumerate the principles of Sufi foundations of international relations in Islam by introducing the theosophical standpoints of Islamic Sufism.

The paper introduces 95 principles in three categories of public international law, foreign policy, and diplomacy.

As long as the essence of all religions has a unique root which is their spiritual paths and understandings based on their mystical views. To popularize and internationalize this proposition, comparative researches in other religions' Gnosticism will be essential.

Putting several principles forward, on the next phases, they can be used as the basis for many applied debates in the field and may be ended to a new international declaration/law.

Delicateness, truthfulness, and righteousness of Islamic Sufism, which is the gist of thoughts of humankind's elites who are divine messengers/guardians during millenaries, may turn the attentions of scholars and researchers to this viewpoint, and consequently a new set of thoughts/doctrines for regulating international relations to be defined and codified.

International relations scholars have not touched the topic from a Sufi point of view. This paper brings this approach to a new challenging arena for those who are engaged in international relations related subjects of laws, politics, institutions, and organizations.

This paper uses a social network approach to explore converging world‐systems hypotheses regarding the effects of increasing integration of socialist countries into the capitalist world economy since the height of the Cold War. Research on interdependence and other power relations among states in the world order cite the development of Intergovernmental Organizations (IGOs) and their expanding numbers as evidence of an evermore sophisticated network in which countries have unique positions related to their functioning in the world order. Theories of International Development and International Relations suggest that at the beginning of the Cold War, capitalist states and socialist states functioned in effectively mutually exclusive realms. The balance of power between the US and the USSR perpetuated a world order in which, for the most pan, capitalist states did not engage in political or economic relations with socialist states and vice versa.

The subject of part‐time work is one which has become increasingly important in industrialised economies where it accounts for a substantial and growing proportion of total employment. It is estimated that in 1970, average annual hours worked per employee amounted to only 60% of those for 1870. Two major factors are attributed to explaining the underlying trend towards a reduction in working time: (a) the increase in the number of voluntary part‐time employees and (b) the decrease in average annual number of days worked per employee (Kok and de Neubourg, 1986). The authors noted that the growth rate of part‐time employment in many countries was greater than the corresponding rate of growth in full‐time employment.

The need for international public relations in a modern world characterised by collapsing trade barriers and increased international trade sets the stage for the study reported in this paper. The authors argue that public relations practitioners and scholars should recognise the importance of culture (both societal and organisational) as a variable that affects public relations practice in various countries. They then report on quantitative and qualitative data gathered from 81 public relations practitioners working in Japan. They conclude that media relations are highly valued by Japanese practitioners who use friendships, typified by the personal influence model, to conduct their media relations. Wa, kou‐chou, amae and tatemae were among the cultural concepts that played a significant role in the way Japanese public relations practitioners operate. Although Japanese practitioners valued symmetrical forms of public relations, they seemed constrained to practise the one‐way models. The authors conclude that similar studies of public relations practice in various cultures will contribute to effective public relations and help toward building a strong theory of international public relations.

Since the onset of globalisation, many multinational corporations (MNCs) have been increasingly opening up subsidiaries in several host nations. While the entry of MNCs in some nations has been generally unproblematic, that has not been the case in every host nation. Fears of neocolonialism and postcolonial anxieties are very real phenomena in many parts of the world. When it comes to such resistant environments, MNCs need to be especially careful in how they conduct their public relations activities. This qualitative study of two MNC subsidiaries in India – Hindustan Lever Limited (of Unilever) and Maruti Udyog Limited (of Suzuki Motor Corporation) – explores, in context, the phenomenon of MNC public relations in this host nation that has a history of resistance to MNCs. The authors conclude that MNCs can be successful in potentially resistant host environments through culturally attuned involvement, intervention and respect for the local that is proven through socially responsible performance over time. This is an important message for MNCs starting up in new host environments. Descriptive details elucidate the specific public relations activities of the two MNCs in the Indian business and cultural environment. Overall, the findings have heuristic value for transnational public relations theory building since they suggest that an MNC’s organisational culture and approach to communication and relationship cultivation are important variables that shape how it practises public relations in host nations around the world.

Research is recognised as an essential part of planning and evaluation in most areas of marketing and corporate communication, including advertising, direct marketing and, increasingly, public relations and corporate communication disciplines such as employee communication and community relations. Understanding of audience interests, awareness, perceptions and information needs is critical to strategic planning of communication campaigns. Secondly, identification and quantification of changes in awareness, perception and, ultimately, behaviour is necessary to evaluate objectively the effectiveness of communication (ie the outcomes or results). Nowhere is research more important than in multicultural and cross‐cultural communication. International relations began with human migrations and trade and reach new levels today with globalisation, corporations, organisations and governments increasingly seeking to create consistencies and shared values across divergent cultural groups. They seek to create consistencies and shared values in relation to products (eg Coca‐Cola, IBM, McDonalds), policies (eg trade agreements) and in popular culture such as films, television programmes and news media. Social rules and shared values, ie the culture of communities, affect organisations seeking to communicate multiculturally and cross‐culturally at two levels. First, the “home” culture of the organisation wishing to communicate shapes policies, plans and products that are produced. Secondly, the cultures of audiences inform and substantially shape their interpretation and use of information. Often, multicultural and cross‐cultural communication is a case of “Chinese whispers” on an international scale. What one says or shows is frequently not what others hear or see. Studies cited in this paper show that culture is a vitally important factor in communication. Yet, companies and even governments attempt communication with little understanding of audiences which they wish to reach and with which they wish to build relationships and understanding. This paper examines cultural considerations specifically in the field of public relations and corporate communication in the Asia Pacific region which is comprised of a diverse range of cultures and has been identified as the largest market in the world. Thus, it is increasingly a focal point of global communication campaigns.

This paper aims to examine the effects of domestic structure forces on “sub-national” foreign policy (SFP); an analytical concept provides a suitable operational framework for research on international activities of sub-national entities or regions.

The paper is carried out on the basis of a theoretical framework proposed by the author. First, the dependent variable is defined. Then, domestic structure is broken down into four variables, including legal grounds, the level of autonomy, the type of intergovernmental relations and institutionalization. A comparative method is used to examine the validity of the theoretical framework.

The paper finds out that domestic structural forces influence level and form of SFP with some regularity. The influence of these forces on SFP can be explained, as they recur and have such consistent effects that they create patterns and regularities in SFP. Such regularities can be detected through systematic analysis.

The topic of SFP is relatively controversial because of academic debate over international agency of substate actors. However, it is a worthwhile subject of research, as it has the potential to revolutionize research in foreign policy analysis. Moreover, the phenomenon of SFP is in need of theorizing and comparison as the literature on SFP is still in its infancy.

This paper aims to examine the hypotheses of main international theories (realism, liberalism and constructivism) and the development of these theories toward the behavior of foreign policy of small states in the developing world. The theories of international relations, especially the realistic theory, face a theoretical debate and a fundamental criticism. The hypotheses of these theories are not able to explain the external behavior of some small states, especially those in the developing world such as Qatar. In particular, these small states do not have the elements of physical power through which they can play this role. However, they are based on the internal determinants (such as political leadership and the variable of perception) and non-physical dimensions of power to play an effective and influential external role.

This topic sheds light on the hypotheses of theories of main international relations, which explain the behavior of foreign policy of small states. This is due to the increased number of such states after the disintegration of Soviet Union, the practice of some countries an effective foreign role and the transformation of the concept of power from the hard power to soft power, and then to smart power

The theories of international relations, especially the realistic theory, face a theoretical debate and a fundamental criticism. The hypotheses of these theories are not able to explain the external behavior of some small states, especially those in the developing world such as Qatar. In particular, these small states do not have the elements of physical power through which they can play this role. However, they are based on the internal determinants (such as political leadership and the variable of perception) and non-physical dimensions of power to play an effective and influential external role.

The importance of the study comes from its interest in small countries in general and the Qatar situation in particular. The small country emerged as a player independent of the Gulf Cooperation Council, unlike what prevailed before, which led to the discussion of a regional role for Qatar despite its small power compared to the strength and size of other factions in the region such as Turkey, Israel and Iran.