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This paper empirically investigates the effect of economic policy uncertainty (EPU) on the UK money demand stability during the inter-war period (1920–1938). Both a narrow definition (M0) and a broad definition (M3) of money are investigated.

The empirical investigation is conducted by employing the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach to cointegration.

Results presented indicate a stable demand for both definitions of money only when EPU is included as one of the determinants of demand function. The EPU imposes a negative effect on the demand for both definitions of money. The causality test results further indicate long- and short-term causality from the determinants (including EPU) to both forms of money demand.

Significant presence of the economic uncertainty weakens the effects of the monetary policy on the economy.

This is a historical economics paper. Given the turmoil and uncertainty associated with the inter-war period, an empirical investigation of UK money demand is an interesting exercise. This is the first such paper.

Only around 0.01 per cent of all working‐days are lost due to industrial conflict in the average western economy. Nevertheless, conflicts are highly visible phenomena and it was one of the first areas most statistical agencies started covering. Therefore, long conflict series exist for most developed Western economies. These series are of a poor quality compared to most series analysed by economists, but they have, nevertheless, a lot to tell. In a number of papers we have tried to cover different parts of the story — in the present article we shall concentrate on the large shifts (often 5–10 times) in the conflict levels over time and the remarkable differences (often 10–20 times) in conflict levels between countries, even when we look only at developed Western economies.

Absent Chief Entrepreneur/Intrapreneur (‘Ntrepreneur) Officer (CNO) Churchill’s un wavering commitment of significant resources to the unproven radar (Decision to Dare) as early as the autumn of 1937, Great Britain would have not survived as a nation: No country survival. Absent Watson, Jr.’s unwavering determination to push IBM into computers, launching in 1951 the Defense Calculator, which at $3 million “was by far the most expensive project in IBM history,” IBM would not have survived: No corporate survival. From the [rather flimsy] briefing by Dr. R.V. Jones weaving fact and fancy, how did Churchill draw the firm conclusion that radar would be invented; and risk rewriting the entire plans for the air defense of Great Britain around radar? How did Watson, Jr. dismiss the unanimous recommendation of IBM’s 18 best systems experts that magnetic tape had no place at IBM; and launch the most expensive project at IBM to break into the unknown field of computers? Based on first‐person narratives, how could the single input of relatively flimsy data produce as the output, the certain realization of a futuristic technology? The most‐cited work on the psychology of decision‐making (Kahneman‐Tversky) is seen to be in applicable. Sigmund Freud’s Self‐Analysis offers a method of systematic introspection/ret rospection. We develop an established sequence of ordered procedures (Protocol) of memory management (Memory Management Disequilibria Dimensions (MD2) Protocol) which applies equally well to both the country and corporate survival decisions, and offers some suggestions to improve Memory Management for Decisions to Dare.

This article explores the role of history and historical memory in the formation of early Zionist/Israeli national security doctrine. To that end, it makes three moves. First, it explores a series of public addresses made by Zalman Rubashov (Shazar) in 1942–1943. A key public intellectual in the Jewish community of preindependent Palestine (the Yishuv), Rubashov means to help his listeners make sense of, and respond collectively to, the unfolding destruction of European Jewry. Second, it draws cautious parallels between those public intellectual pronouncements and the postwar work of Friedrich Meinecke, a prominent German historian and public intellectual and a sometime teacher of Rubashov. In both cases, I suggest, history does more than make sense of a moment of political transition: It seeks to reframe the self-understandings of citizens and their collective political relations. Third, drawing on a recent memoir by Noam Chayut, a prominent Israeli antioccupation activist, I explore how those self-understandings can be lost when the historical claims upon which they are predicated lose their sense of immediacy, naturalness, or coherence.

Willis presents just one example of a fundamental and longstanding dilemma within qualitative and ethnographic research (Walford, 2001). The method requires a focus on a very small number of sites, yet there is often a desire to draw conclusions which have a wider applicability than just those single cases. Within the ethnographic literature about education there is a plethora of examples where schools, or particular groups of children or teachers within schools, are researched because they are seen as ‘typical’, or because they can offer ‘insights’ into what may be occurring in other schools. Thus, for example, we have many studies of single schools where racism and sexism has been shown to occur. Strictly, such studies can only show that events that have been interpreted as racist (usually by the researcher alone, but sometimes by those involved as well) occurred in that one particular school, with those particular teachers and students, at a time that is often many years before the publication of the academic article or book. Such studies cannot provide information about what might be happening now even in that same school and, most importantly, cannot provide any evidence about what is happening or what was happening in any other schools.

In this introductory chapter, I discuss the rationale for this edited collection and the contribution it can make to advancing knowledge of gender inequalities and promoting social justice in the medical profession and medical education. I provide a short overview of and critique of popular debates in the medical community in the United Kingdom and I also discuss briefly research about women’s careers in the United Kingdom and globally. The introductory chapter provides a description of each chapter and its contribution to scholarship about gender, careers and inequalities in Medicine/Medical Education.

The purpose of this paper is to reveal the contribution of counter‐hegemonic communications towards the origins of anti‐colonialism in French India during the years 1935‐1937 and thereby to illuminate the relationship between press, economics and ideology in a colonial context.

The paper presents a qualitative study of local archives in Tamil and French, including indigenous print communications such as the workers' paper Swandanthiram. These are used as a prism for analysis of the development of a workers' public voice during major textile strikes, and assessed in the light of John Downing's definitions of advocacy journalism.

Communications were directly connected to disempowerment and lack of civil, political and economic rights. The formation of legal worker organisations for the first time and a new political party provided the context in which activist leaders adopted a twofold vertical and lateral strategy in their publications, to promote their formative anti‐colonial ideas.

This research illuminates the relationship between press, economics and ideology in a colonial context, demonstrating the importance of economic factors in rise of nationalist movements and the way press usage is connected to basic civil, political and economic rights.

The paper traces a forgotten episode in the history of a neglected corner of French empire, significant for the emergence of the indigenous population – including peasant women – for the first time from the private to the public sphere as an organised force – a factor that has previously been ignored by historians.

My contribution to this conference will be an attempt to outline the part which local government—and that means principally, the public library—can play in a national information plan. This implies a need to look at the effectiveness of such services, their relationship with others, and indications for the future, bearing in mind the economic climate which is likely to prevail for several years yet.