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This study aims to examine why Ghana has English legal origins (hypothesised as a legal framework that promotes financial development) but has not developed a well-functioning mortgage finance market.

The authors adopt the institutional autopsy approach developed by Milhaupt and Pistor (2008). This study is not a cross-country study but a historical examination of Ghana’s mortgage finance regulatory framework. The institutional autopsy framework considers the iterative process of change in a system and allows for context-specific system analysis.

The authors note that for a long period of about 68 years (1940-2008), some of the legal rules regulating mortgage finance were not typical of the hypothesised characteristics of the English common law tradition. These rules, including, interest rate controls, excessive entry barriers, loan default guarantee discriminations and complex foreclosure procedures, tended to inadequately protect creditors. In the context of the history of military rule and law-making, judicial discretion that could have promoted legal efficiency and strengthened contract enforcement was also limited. During this period, the legal system demonstrated a concentrated and coordinative character. New legislation in the form of the Home Mortgage Finance Act 2008 (Act 770) attempts to resolve some of these bottlenecks and improve creditor rights protection.

The study focuses solely on how the legal institution affects creditor protection and mortgage finance in Ghana.

Policy-wise, the study deepens the understanding of the channels through which the law affects the development of mortgage finance.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, the methodology used (institutional autopsy) is novel in the context of analysing mortgage finance.

The purpose of this postmortem is to assess whether the design, implementation, and maintenance of financial policies during the period from 1996 through 2006 were primary causes of the financial system's demise.

To draw conclusions about the policy determinants of the crisis, the paper studies five important policies: Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) policies toward credit rating agencies, Federal Reserve policies concerning bank capital and credit default swaps, SEC and Federal Reserve policies about over‐the‐counter derivatives, SEC policies toward the consolidated supervision of major investment banks, and government policies toward two housing‐finance entities, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.

The evidence is inconsistent with the view that the collapse of the financial system was caused only by the popping of the housing bubble (“accident”) and the herding behavior of financiers rushing to create and market increasingly complex and questionable financial products (“suicide”). Rather, the evidence indicates that senior policymakers repeatedly designed, implemented, and maintained policies that destabilized the global financial system in the decade before the crisis. Moreover, although the major regulatory agencies were aware of the growing fragility of the financial system due to their policies, they chose not to modify those policies, suggesting that “negligent homicide” contributed to the financial system's collapse.

Although influential policymakers presume that international capital flows, euphoric traders, and insufficient regulatory power caused the crisis, this paper shows that these factors played only a partial role. Thus, current reforms represent only a partial and thus incomplete step in establishing a stable and well‐functioning financial system. Since systemic institutional failures helped cause the crisis, systemic institutional reforms must be a part of a comprehensively effective response.

This paper aims to provide an analysis of the choices Arthur Andersen faced in dealing with the crisis that ultimately let to its downfall in 2001-2002.

The paper is built around institutional theory. Specifically, it applies the propositions provided by Oliver (1990, 1991) to the historical record.

The failure to develop a coherent response, combined with a failure to anticipate the specific role of the state led to Andersen’s inability to navigate the institutional field.

The usual limitations of institutional theory are acknowledged. These pertain to the lack of a micro-level analysis, the additional impact of pure economic rationality and the chance that every crisis of faith is unique.

The article adds to our appreciation of what not to do in the face of crisis by the government and those in charge of large accounting organizations.

The article adds to the recently in the news “too big to fail” problem with successful economic agents.

The article adds to institutional theory by providing a different story than the usual, where everything is cleverly managed and the crisis is overcome.

Three case studies in change involving both corporate and academic institutions are described in detail and analyzed in a systematic manner including an “autopsy” of the change strategies and results. In each case, the environment at the outset, the strategies for change, the concluding environment, and the autopsy are presented. Some generalized conclusions from the three cases are presented as well.

Many African Americans cheered the election of President Obama in 2008 with the hope he would cause an easing of the pain of economic and political barriers to collective black progress in America. This chapter assesses the role of President Obama in addressing these issues.

The Presidential Bully Pulpit is presented as a framework for addressing racial inequities. Properly used it can bring keen attention to issues a president deems important for consideration by the American public. Socio-historical texts and secondary data are used.

Data are presented to show how racial discrimination continues to affect African Americans during the age of Obama. These include housing discrimination, employment discrimination, and racial profiling. This chapter shows Mr. Obama has not used the office of the presidency as a bully pulpit for addressing these racial inequities. Rather he has tended to use the bully pulpit to chastise blacks, especially black males.

Also discussed are some promising developments challenging racism that have emerged from his administration, primarily from the Department of Justice, and how President Obama could use the bully pulpit more productively.

This chapter presents a contradiction in the actions of President Obama. While he seldom uses the bully pulpit to push his own legislative agendas or to push toward solutions to relieve racial inequities in society, he does use the bully pulpit to criticize black males.

This paper aims to explore how big data analytics (BDA) emerging technologies crossed with social media (SM). Twitter can be used to improve decision-making before and during maritime accidents. We propose a conceptual early warning system called community alert and communications system (ComACom) to prevent future accidents.

Based on secondary data, the authors developed a narrative case study of the MV Wakashio maritime disaster. The authors adopted a post-constructionist approach through the use of media richness and synchronicity theory, highlighting wider community voices drawn from social media (SM), particularly Twitter. The authors applied BDA techniques to a dataset of real-time tweets to evaluate the unfolding operational response to the maritime emergency.

The authors reconstituted a narrative of four escalating sub-events and illustrated how critical decisions taken in an organisational and institutional vacuum led to catastrophic consequences. We highlighted the specific roles of three main stakeholders (the ship's organisation, official institutions and the wider community). Our study shows that SM enhanced with BDA, embedded within our ComACom model, can better achieve collective sense-making of emergency accidents.

This study is limited to Twitter data and one case. Our conceptual model needs to be operationalised.

ComACom will improve decision-making to minimise human errors in maritime accidents.

Emergency response will be improved by including the voices of the wider community.

ComACom conceptualises an early warning system using emerging BDA/AI technologies to improve safety in maritime transportation.

India has shown good progress in maternal health outcome indicators. However, an area for improvement is to ensure all deliveries take place in institutions under the supervision of skilled birth attendants. This paper attempts to identify the factors that affect institutional deliveries using nationally representative National Family Health Survey (NFHS) data. Further, the authors investigate the factors contributing to the wealth-based inequality in institutional deliveries.

To address the first aspect of identifying the factors associated with undergoing an institutional delivery, the authors have used logistic and multinominal logistic models. The explanatory variables are broadly socio-economic indicators of the mother and a few other household characteristics. Further, the concentration index and regression-based decomposition were used to carry out an inequality analysis in the institutional deliveries across different wealth groups.

The authors found that women belonging to poor households, backward social groups and rural areas have significantly fewer odds of undergoing an institutional delivery. Age and education level of the mother, number of antenatal visits during pregnancy and place of residence (urban/rural) have contributed to the inequality in institutional deliveries in 2005–2006. However, the inequality due to these factors went down drastically in 2015–2016.

To the best of the authors' knowledge, this study is a distinct attempt to use pooled data of the NFHS-3 [2005–2006] and NFHS-4 [2015–2016] in identifying factors contributing to a woman undergoing an institutional-based delivery. The study also decomposes the wealth-based inequality in the factors contributing to having an institutional delivery and analyses the contributions to inequality across the two time periods.