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There is a connection between cotton production and the Aral Sea disaster in Uzbekistan. Large-scale cotton production utilizes the practices of conventional agriculture and has severe environmental consequences in arid regions. Some of these problems, such as salinization, currently exist in Uzbekistan as a result of cotton production and these conventional farming practices. This chapter is a review of cotton production, the environmental consequences of conventional agriculture, and its relationship to the Aral Sea Disaster. Storm water management with biofiltration, sustainable farming practices, efficient irrigation, ecological horticultural practices, and a water conservation program are remedies that can help to reduce the environmental degradation caused by cotton production and restore some of the water resources in Uzbekistan.

Given that the European Water Framework Directive (WFD) calls for the management of water resources at the river basin level, the German water sector, which has historically been dominated by the federal states and has been organized along administrative borders, is now challenged to be reorganized. The article introduces the German water sector, reviews past experiences with river basin management such as North Rhine–Westphalia's water associations, the river basin organizations of the former German Democratic Republic, and international river commissions, and addresses current challenges in connection with the implementation of WFD.

Drawing upon Alfred Sohn-Rethel's work, we argue that, just as capitalism produces abstract labor, it coproduces both abstract mind and abstract life. Abstract mind is the split between mind and nature and between subject/observer and observed object that characterizes scientific epistemology. Abstract mind reflects an abstracted objectified world of nature as a means to be exploited. Biological life is rendered as abstract life by capitalist exploitation and by the reification and technologization of organisms by contemporary technoscience. What Alberto Toscano has called “the culture of abstraction” imposes market rationality onto nature and the living world, disrupting biotic communities and transforming organisms into what Finn Bowring calls “functional bio-machines.”

The nonhuman world is under substantial threat from human activities and economies. Rewilding gardens and community action can build relationships of care with the nonhuman, restore habitat, connect people and land, and empower humans to work with and for the nonhuman. Stories about family relationships to land and through land, and creating a wild garden are used to explore place attachment, creating relationships of care through gardening, and purposeful rewilding of a garden; stories about participation in a community service organization examine how collective action can take rewilding ideas out into the larger community. By consciously creating care for the nonhuman and participating in rewilding, we can actively build ecological paths forward for ourselves and our nonhuman neighbors.

Aldo Leopold's idea of a land ethic was inspired by his work in game management. The land ethic merged ecology with an aesthetic and ethical sensibility. This chapter traces the origins of the idea to Leopold's efforts to devise incentives for private landowners to share their land with wildlife. Scholars have failed to account for how Leopold's affection for the institution of private property shaped his ethical philosophy. Although the land ethic is conventionally understood as a defense of the rights of animals, plants, and the environment they inhabit, it was also a defense of property rights. The limitations of the land ethic as philosophical basis of wildlife management and conservation stem from these contradictory purposes. Although Leopold's ecological aesthetic may help people to visualize an alternative to the violent simplification and diminished biodiversity of the modern form of capitalist agricultural commodity production, his emphasis on voluntary mechanisms has detracted from the objective of liberating wildlife and the land they inhabit from human exploitation.

An experiment is undertaken to assess how the level of information provided to survey groups impacts upon the decisions they make. In this experiment, a group of experts is surveyed first to determine both the forms and levels of information important to them regarding an obscure environmental resource (remote mountain lakes), as well as their ranking of particular examples of these resources in accordance with their own criteria. Then three different groups of respondents are given different levels of this information to assess how their WTP for the resources responds to varying levels of this information, and how their rankings of the different goods alters with the information provided. The study reports evidence that generally increased levels of information provide significant quantitative changes in aggregate WTP (the enhancement effect), as well as a credible impact on their ranking of the various goods. On closer examination, much of the enhancement effect appears to be attributable to the changes in ranking, and to changes in the WTP for a single lake at each level of information. In addition the ranking does not respond in any consistent or coherent fashion during the experiment until the information provided is complete, including a ranking of subjectively reported importance by the expert group, and then the survey group converges upon the expert's group rankings. In sum, the experiment generates evidence that is both consistent with the anticipated effects of increased levels of information but also consistent with the communication of information-embedded preferences of the expert group. It may not be possible to communicate expert-provided information to survey groups without simultaneously communicating their preferences.

Modern organic metaphors for society have run parallel to the very idea of sociology as a science, starting with Comte and Spencer's use of the term “social organism” (Comte, 1830–42; Spencer, 1897). These metaphors provide a self-renewing source of debate, analogies, and disanalogies. Processes of social regulation, conservation, growth, and reproduction provoke an irresistible epistemic resonance and make us lose little time in offering explanations resembling those of biological regulation, conservation, growth, and reproduction. The phenomenon has not been restricted to metaphor-hungry social scientists: the final chapter of W. B. Cannon's The wisdom of the body (1932) is called “Relations of biological and social homeostasis.” Attempts to apply a modern theory of living organisms — the theory of autopoiesis (Maturana & Varela, 1980) — to social systems are but the latest installment in this saga. Despite the appeal of the organic metaphor, there are good reasons to remain skeptical of these parallels. “Because every man is a biped, fifty men are not a centipede,” says G. K. Chesterton (1910) ironically in his essay against the medical fallacy. Doctors may disagree on the diagnosis of an illness, he says, but they know what is the state they are trying to restore: that of a healthy organism (implying, admittedly, a rather unproblematic concept of health). In social systems, a “social illness” confronts us with precisely the opposite situation: the disagreement is about what the healthy state should be.

In this chapter, we discuss ways to create optimal conditions that enable K-12 learners to experience and practice science by engaging in inquiry as an essential practice in EcoVoices, an urban environmental education program based in Los Angeles. We do this through the synergistic contributions of McComas, a science education theorist who developed the ED³U instructional model; and Shope, a science education innovator who has applied, modified, and validated the model in real-world learning settings. The essential premise behind this shared work is that the more opportunity students have to practice doing science, the more authentic their science learning experience will be. And inquiry, as a science process, is one of the most important elements in the practice of science.

During the great post–World War II economic expansion, modernization theorists held that the new American capitalism balanced mass production and mass consumption, meshed profitability with labor's interests, and ended class conflict. They thought that Keynesian policies insured a near full-employment, low-inflation, continuous growth economy. They viewed the United States as the “new lead society,” eliminating industrial capitalism's backward features and progressing toward modernity's penultimate “postindustrial” stage.⁷ Many Americans believed that the ideal of “consumer freedom,” forged early in the century, had been widely realized and epitomized American democracy's superiority to communism.⁸ However, critics held that the new capitalism did not solve all of classical capitalism's problems (e.g., poverty) and that much increased consumption generated new types of cultural and political problems. John Kenneth Galbraith argued that mainstream economists assumed that human nature dictates an unlimited “urgency of wants,” naturalizing ever increasing production and consumption and precluding the distinction of goods required to meet basic needs from those that stoke wasteful, destructive appetites. In his view, mainstream economists’ individualistic, acquisitive presuppositions crown consumers sovereign and obscure cultural forces, especially advertising, that generate and channel desire and elevate possessions and consumption into the prime measures of self-worth. Galbraith held that production's “paramount position” and related “imperatives of consumer demand” create dependence on economic growth and generate new imbalances and insecurities.⁹ Harsher critics held that the consumer culture blinded middle-class Americans to injustice, despotic bureaucracy, and drudge work (e.g., Mills, 1961; Marcuse, 1964). But even these radical critics implied that postwar capitalism unlocked the secret of sustained economic growth.