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The study aims to explore the current experiences of Ukrainian adolescents affected by the Russia-Ukraine war. The study focused on the changes in adolescents’ lives caused by the war, adolescents’ emotional reactions to the disruptions caused by the war, coping strategies employed by adolescents in dealing with disruptions and the role of information technology in supporting new realities and coping strategies of adolescents.

This study relied on semi-structured interviews conducted on Zoom with 27 Ukrainian adolescents ages 10-18. Participants were recruited using the snowball sample and came from various regions of Ukraine. The interview notes and partial transcripts were analyzed using thematic analysis to identify the common and unique patterns in participant responses.

The interview data revealed the signs of traumatic experiences and various stages and methods of coping with them. Participants’ resilience was supported by external factors, including families, communities, continuous schooling, ability to talk to friends, information technology, as well as internal skills, including social competence, problem-solving, critical consciousness, autonomy and a sense of purpose. Participants shared specific recommendations for improving information platforms and online content, e.g. making them more accessible and affordable for Ukrainian users, improving content curation and personalization, creating and promoting Ukrainian content and others.

Research relied on convenience sample of participants who had access to information communication technology (ICT), were aware and had an ability to participate. Field work is needed to reach out to participants without access to ICT.

This study contains broad recommendations for improving information technologies for the use of Ukrainian adolescents.

This research offers three timely account of the first-hand experiences of Ukrainian adolescents affected by the Russia-Ukraine war and can inform future work aimed at improving life conditions for teen population.

This study relied on first-hand reports of Ukrainian adolescents’ experiences, feelings and coping strategies during the first three months of Russia-Ukraine war. The study applied war trauma and resilience frameworks to interpret the findings and translate some of the findings into practical recommendations for the information science community.

Sharing and obtaining information over social media has enabled people to express their opinions regarding any event. Since the tweets regarding the Russia-Ukraine war were extensively publicized on social media, this study aims to analyse the temporal sentiments people express through tweets related to the war.

Relevant hashtag related to the Russia-Ukraine war was identified, and tweets were downloaded using Twitter API, which were later migrated to Orange Data mining software. Pre-processing techniques like transformation, tokenization, and filtering were applied to the extracted tweets. VADER (Valence Aware Dictionary for Sentiment Reasoning) sentiment analysis module of Orange software was used to categorize tweets into positive, negative and neutral ones based on the tweet polarity. For ascertaining the key and co-occurring terms and phrases in tweets and also to visualize the keyword clusters, VOSviewer, a data visualization software, was made use of.

An increase in the number of tweets is witnessed in the initial days, while a decline is observed over time. Most tweets are negative in nature, followed by positive and neutral ones. It is also ascertained that tweets from verified accounts are more impactful than unverified ones. russiaukrainewar, ukraine, russia, false, war, nato, zelensky and stoprussia are the dominant co-occurring keywords. Ukraine, Russia and Putin are the top hashtags for sentiment representation. India, the USA and the UK contribute the highest tweets.

The study tries to explore the public sentiments expressed over Twitter related to Russia-Ukraine war.

Information and communication in times of war is an area that has been much written about, but one which has not often been treated as a topic in its own right from an information science perspective. The national liberation struggles of the second half of the 20th century offer possibilities for the development of an information and communication model, incorporating data on a range of covert and overt information and communication activities by both sides in the conflict. The model takes account of such activities as scouting, secret communication, propaganda, misinformation campaigns, censorship, intelligence gathering and collating, and other aspects of information‐related activity. It offers a capacity to structure this knowledge, indicates gaps and concentrations in activity, and permits audit and assessment of information‐related activity in the struggle. It is intended to be capable of providing perspectives on information warfare in other contexts, although this aspect is not explored here.

The objective of this chapter is to outline the problem of information security in Russia and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries since 2000. It demonstrates the specifics of Russian propaganda in the CEE, which visibly poses a security threat to those countries. To address this issue, the authors present the evolution of Russian information policy, propaganda, its tools and instruments (traditional and social media), and examine the mechanisms of exerting social influence used in practice in the CEE countries. The authors discuss the implications of Russia’s information war with the West and for the CEE states’ domestic problems, which provide vast opportunities for Russian activity in the region. Changes in information policy and information management are bound to a revision of Russian foreign policy. The authors assumed that the information war in the CEE is not directed toward the countries of this region but rather aims to weaken the West, especially the European Union. Moreover, there is a need to speak out about the rise of populism and extremist movements exploited through Russian media influence to undermine regional stability and weaken state authorities. Additionally, it is suggested more attention should be paid to education and public awareness. The lack of new media literacy skills, together with the combination of populism and pro-Russia business links in the CEE states, will increase their vulnerabilities to more risks than information security.

The chapter provides a theory of war and conflict issues, and applies the theory to the arms race and the possibility of war in the South Asian subcontinent. We try to give a new perspective on an old question: wars are not rational since they destroy the contestable resource over which disputes arise; yet, states that are rational frequently undertake them rather than going for the less costly option of settlement. In the chapter, a war game is played in which two states first build armaments and then, if they cannot achieve a settlement, fight a war, the outcome of which depends on strength of armaments, where at stake is a contestable resource. The anticipated outcome determines the bargaining threat point. “Technology” is a factor in any war, and so too is the cost of building armaments. States typically differ in technology and may also miscalculate their own relative technical position and war-fighting capability. Alternative models of settlement and war are presented in which states either believe the opposing state has the same perception of technical advantage, or else know the opposing state’s differing perception. Dynamic models, which include the effects of decay in information over time and strategic concerns, are examined. Finally, the results of the models are applied to the stylized facts of India-Pakistan rivalry and conflict, paying particular attention to institutional issues. It is demonstrated that the stylized facts of the Indo-Pakistani conflict and wars fit well with the theoretical conjectures of the analytical models. External conflicts and wars in South Asia are often related to internal causes, which allow the possibility of incomplete information; the two contending states miscalculate their own power in terms of war-fighting capability, so that war occurs.

The purpose of this article is to explore how the (War) Advertising Council organized the advertising community to assist the US government's home front campaigns during the Second World War. It aims to discuss how the council urged individual advertisers to use their product‐ads to instruct the civilian population about behavioral changes that the government deemed essential to the war effort. The task required great ambidexterity: paying a high level of attention to the government's wartime needs while coaching and encouraging advertisers into compliance. As such, the article also aims to discuss the council's challenge in weighing the government's wartime needs against commercial pressures. A case study of the Advertising Council's 1944 campaign to “Stamp out VD” seeks to illustrate the latter concern.

The article comprises an historical account of the US advertising industry during the Second World War. Applying a qualitative approach, it relies on archival sources, industry trade publications, newspapers accounts and existing scholarship for its information.

While publicly framing its wartime contribution as a patriotic gesture, the council's underlying rationale was that of serving the advertising industry in a public relations capacity. Unsure of its standing as America entered the war, the donation of time and talent to the government's war effort helped strengthen the advertising industry's economic position and social standing. As such, the council was not only a pioneer of “social marketing”, but also demonstrated a sophisticated use of “strategic philanthropy,” long before it became a common marketing practice.

Analyzing previously un‐explored sources, the article sheds new light on the US advertising industry's public relations strategies during the Second World War.

Is cyber‐terrorism the threat of the future? The convergence of current conventional wisdoms regarding technological and socio‐political developments suggests that it may be. In regard to technology, the ‘Information Mania’ that has swept the US defence establishment since the 1991 Gulf War has now reached European and Asian defence planners. To its acolytes in the defence community, Information Warfare is the paradigm of future war. At the same time, the popular imagination is gripped by the accelerating digitisation of society. As the Internet continues its exponential growth and increasing portions of everyday life go online, the media and public are titillated by the daring exploits of hackers and the ‘digital underground’. Warnings of a catastrophic collapse of national and even global information infrastructures abound, most dramatically in relation to the Year 2000 problem.

This paper examines the fundamental concepts needed to understand the broad spectrum of activities encompassed by the information warfare phenomenon. It provides a theoretical background to these activities, and examines the social context in which these are most effective.

The film approach to history in this paper I want to consider the film as source material for history in the sense that palimpsest and parchment, hieroglyph and rune, clay tablet and manorial roll are source materials—fragments, sometimes fragments of fragments, often defaced by time, and applied to purposes of historical reconstruction rarely contemplated by the original authors. For the most part I shall not be particularly concerned with the various philosophies of history—whether it is the job of the historian to lay material dispassionately before the student so that he can make up his own mind about what happened in the past, or to digest source material in order to arrive at the truth—that is, what the historian may hope is the whole incontrovertible real truth, or to digest source material, as Macaulay and Carlyle digested it, in order to justify something in contemporary life or thought. All that need be said here for the moment is that films can be used, as other historical source material can be used, for various and different historical purposes.