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We consider the well-known and painful problem of countries, mainly in the developing world, that suffer not only from low levels of economic development, but also from high levels of inequality and poverty. They struggle to solve their development problems by implementing various policies for economic growth (investing in infrastructures and education, providing incentives for capital investments, etc.), but in many cases it seems that economic growth, even when it is achieved, does not necessarily resolve the fundamental problems of poverty and unequal income distribution (Selowsky, 1981; Cardoso & Helwege, 1992).

Increase in the population rate and the extent of urbanization in the last two centuries resulted in the concentration of the population around the growth poles. A large portion of this population lives in the peripheries of the large cities in informal settlements under inappropriate situations specifically in developing countries. Iran is one the countries that has severely experienced this problem since 1930s. Iranian cities are some of the biggest cities of Middle East to have been developed unequally, because of various factors including in-migration, unevenly distribution of resources, insufficient state policies and the local authorities haven't been successful on tackling the problem yet. The overconcentration of population in some major cities of the country is the result of centralization of main industrial and economic poles around these centers which leads to the immigration of unemployed people to these cities. Thus, this issue has a great impact on the unequal expansion of major cities. Tehran, as the largest and the most urbanized city of the country, absorb a large percentage of national resources and magnetizes many people with various socio-economic background. However, the polarized system of the city offers chances for those who can adjust themselves to the system, while the others that cannot afford living in the city boundaries, reside in the city fringes in substandard living conditions. Therefore, in Iran the inequalities between urban and rural, gradually has altered to inequalities within cities and the trend is more significant in some major cities including Tehran, Mashhad, Shiraz, Tabriz, Isfahan and many other cities. Furthermore, it is more challenging in the case of Tehran, when its population during 1920s and 1970s increased to thirteen times by the pace of rapid development, centralization and capital flow. So, the city has expanded around its periphery specifically towards south and west. This process accelerated between 1970s and 2000s by implementing new legislation and master plans, and as a result, Tehran converted to Tehran Metropolis Region which is multi-center comprised of the central core which is the Tehran city, main access roads and other cores around which are the centers of residential and work concentration, reliant on the main city economically. This kind of urban sprawl is has accompanied with break in urban structure and fading urban sustainability as well as population movements and formation of spontaneous settlements which is the pressuring problem in cities of newly developing countries.

As an essential part of mainstream Western development economics, the trickle-down theory originates from the behavioral choices and iterations of thought on conflicts of interest in the evolution of remuneration structure in Western countries. The fundamental flaw of the logic of this theory is that it conceals the inherent implication of social systems and the essential characteristics of social structures.

This paper examines the relationships among economic growth, income distribution and poverty from the perspective of social relations of production – the nature of production relations determines the nature of distribution relations and further determines the essence of trickle-down development, and ownership is the core mechanism for realizing the trickle-down effect.

The stagnation or smoothness of the trickle-down effect in different economies is essentially subject to the logic of “development for whom”, which is determined by ownership relationship.

To be more specific, “development for capitalists” and “development for the people” indicate two distinctly different economic growth paths. The former starts with private ownership and follows a bottom-up negative trickle-down path that inevitably leads to polarization, while the latter starts with public ownership and follows a top-down positive trickle-down path that will lead to common prosperity in the end.

The aim of this paper is to engage with the translation and linking of the “scientific knowledge” of theory on local economic growth with the “practical knowledge” of, on the one hand, local economic policy formulation and, on the other hand, entrepreneurship and entrepreneurship education. The paper uses theoretically informed empirical modelling to identify and prioritise the drivers of local economic growth using data for Australia. The analyses demonstrate the significance of human capital and an enterprise culture in promoting local employment growth. From these results it is suggested that “bottom up” entrepreneurial education and related, but more “top down”, enterprise facilitation are practical mechanisms for achieving such local growth. These results suggest the great importance of translating “scientific knowledge” into “practical knowledge” to allow communities to engage with the knowledge economy.

This paper aims to study through a comprehensive set of socioeconomic indicators the regional level of well-being achieved in Romania, and monitor the improvements and disparities in well-being after a decade of accession to the European Union.

A dashboard of 20 socioeconomic indicators for measuring nine dimensions of well-being for Romanian counties is proposed. Using the Adjusted Mazziotta-Pareto method are built composite indicators, which allow us to assess the trend of overall welfare scores for each county. The data are collected at the county level, for 42 counties, and each year from 2006 to 2017, from administrative sources.

The overall well-being index has an increasing trend for all counties, but the growth rate varies from one county to another. The economic factors, geographic location and share of the urban population matter. For most counties, the evolution of well-being scores is below that recorded at the country level. Romania has registered significant improvements in health, housing, income and access to public utilities dimensions. The counties are ranked by level of well-being. Some empirical measures suggest a slight tendency of socioeconomic disparities to increase over time.

The paper attempts to fill some gaps in measuring the level and disparities of welfare in a fast-growing emerging economy. The Romanian regional context is to a lesser extent explored in a multidimensional approach, from spatial and temporal points of view.

The unequal distribution of economic activities, transposed in economic, social and territorial disparities is the general characteristic of the European economy. Gaps increased in the context of European Union (EU) enlargement towards Eastern and Central Europe and of the economic crisis, thus bringing new differentiations among member states’ economies. The main aim of the chapter is to emphasise the centre-periphery differentiations in the European economy, by using a composite index of peripherality, in order to better understand the determinants of growth and convergence in Central and Eastern European countries and to reach normative conclusions for increasing Cohesion Policy (CP) effectiveness. The first part of the chapter provides a short overview of the main theories and models of the peripherality analysis and the relationships between the centre and the periphery, in order to find out how this analysis relates to the research in the field. The second part provides a comparative analysis of the evolution of European economies during 2003–2014, in order to find out whether the EU enlargement process stabilised the EU core-periphery pattern or, on the contrary, the process of core-periphery structural convergence occurred. The third part includes the suggested model of analysis (methodology, data, and main results) from a multidisciplinary perspective, underlining the centre-periphery differentiations on the two axes, North–South and West–East. The results have been interpreted in conclusions, with a focus on their relevance for the European CP challenges.

Globalization is rapidly integrating markets, universalizing Western materialism, and weakening the capacity of national states to safeguard local values and institutions. While some, principally the World Bank (1999) regard integrating world markets as an efficiency‐driven process, spreading the benefits of technical innovation and information technologies around the world, many are skeptical. Skeptics include in particular social scientists writing from a Non‐Western and Islamic perspective (Ismail 1999, Rajee 2000). If globalization is indeed a threat to the Nation‐State, then it would follow that small states would be the most vulnerable. At a minimum, it is significant to inquire whether globalization threatens the survival and sustainability of small states.

In this introductory chapter, we briefly outline the history of the political economy of raw materials, focusing particularly on the relationship between raw materials and economic development. We then introduce the chapters of this volume, and we conclude by discussing future directions for research in this area.

I. Introduction For over forty years, a model for Third World development has gained widespread acceptance. Three key premises underpin the traditional development model: (1) the identification of “development” with the maximization of the rate of national economic growth; (2) the quest to achieve Western living standards and levels of industrialization which require the transfer of labor from the agricultural to the industrial sector as well as increased consumerism; and (3) the integration into the interdependence of Third World nations in the global economy and the global marketplace. Increasing the demand for a Third World nation's exports (in other words, export‐led growth) is viewed as leading to the maximization of a nation's Gross National Product (GNP).

The purpose of this paper is based on China’s economic fundamentals. Factor input, structural optimization and institutional reform, which determine the fundamentals of China's economic development, will actively prop up long-term, sustained and stable growth of the Chinese economy and keep China's potential economic growth rate stabilized within a reasonable growth range in the long term.

The fundamentals of economic development of a country are the basic situation of economic operation determined by the country's main factors and the long-term trend thereof, and they have such characteristics as stability, internality and persistence.

Stability refers to economic operation that remains relatively stable within a reasonable growth range at a certain stage of development, and this does not rule out exceptional economic fluctuations in certain years due to the impact of unexpected short-term factors. For instance, the fundamentals of the Chinese economy during the period after the reform and opening-up are characterized by a sustained high growth rate.

Internality refers to the intrinsic quantity and quality of all factors supporting the economic development of a country, especially the quantity and quality of the factors that play a decisive role in the economic development of a country at a specific stage. For instance, demographic dividend and capital formation have bolstered the high-speed growth of the Chinese economy since the reform and opening-up.