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We develop theoretical and conceptual insights into a social movement’s strategic articulation, through an examination of the relationships among the conservative, moderate and radical organizations within a movement field before, during and after a wave of contention. Definitions for conservative, moderate and radical organizations that have been lacking in the literature are provided. Three U.S. cases are employed including the Civil Rights Movement, the Animal Rights Movement, and the AIDS Movement to illustrate/apply our concepts and test our theoretical assertions. We find a distinct conservative flank in movements which facilitates linkages to state officials. Moderates have a unique role as the bridge between the radical and conservative flanks. A lack of formal organization among radicals appears to incite state repression. The radical flank, or strong ties between the radial flank and moderates or conservatives, does not have a positive effect prior to or at the peak of a wave of contention when there is significant state repression. In the absence of state repression and after concessions or the peak of activism, moderates and conservatives benefit by distancing from the radical flank. Moderate organizations marginally institutionalize except when conservative movement organizations are absent; then full incorporation occurs.

This paper explores the relationship between social movement protest, economic sabotage, state capitalism, the “Green Scare,” and public forms of political repression. Through a quantitative analysis of direct action activism highlighting the Earth Liberation Front and Animal Liberation Front, the discourse surrounding mechanisms of social change and their impact on state power and capitalist accumulation will be examined. The analyses examines the earth and animal liberation movements, utilizing a Marxist-anarchist lens to illustrate how these non-state actors provide powerful critiques of capital and the state. Specifically, the discussion examines how state-sanctioned violence against these movements represents a return to Foucauldian Monarchical power. A quantitative-qualitative history will be used to argue that the movements’ actions fail to qualify as “terrorism,” and to examine the performance of power between the radical left and the state. State repression demonstrates not only the capitalist allegiances between government and industry, but also a sense of capital’s desperation hoping to counter a movement that has produced demonstrable victories by the means of bankrupting and isolating corporations. The government is taking such unconstitutional measures as a “talk back” between the revolutionary potential of these movements’ ideology as well as the challenge they present to state capitalism.

This paper aims to investigate the practices, drivers and barriers which influence the implementation of green leases in South Australia. Despite some efforts on legal aspects of green leases, only a few studies have examined these aspects from an operational perspective. In addition, very little empirical evidence was presented in previous studies to show how green leases work in real-life settings.

Data were collected using semi-structured interviews with landlord and tenant representatives who have considerable experience in green leases. These interviewees were selected via a purposive sampling technique that identified buildings which use green leases in South Australia. The concept of interface management (IM) was used to operationalize this research.

The green leases were found to be mainly initiated by tenants while government involvement, economic and environmental benefits are the main drivers in South Australia. Drivers such as staff retention, well-being and corporate social responsibility are found to be more relevant to tenants. Lack of awareness and transaction costs are the main barriers to the implementation of green leases.

This study focuses on the South Australian context and mainly covers dark green leases. There are implications for the government’s continued involvement and the promotion of lighter shades of green leases to overcome operational issues and barriers identified in this study.

This study contributes to the body of knowledge on the subject of green lease implementation from an operational perspective. In addition, the study introduces a conceptual framework via IM that could be used in future research endeavours.

Following recent terrorist attacks in the US and Europe, Western Muslims have been criticised for not taking a firm stand against radical Islam and extremist organisations. Drawing on insights from narrative criminology, we challenge such assertions and reveal Muslims' narrative mobilisation against violent jihadism. Based on 90 qualitative interviews with young Muslims in Norway, we show how violent extremism is rejected in a multitude of ways. This narrative resistance includes criticising extremist jihadist organisations for false interpretations of Islam and using derogatory terms to describe them. It also includes less obvious forms of narrative resistance, such as humour and attempts to silence jihadist organisations by ignoring them. While narrative criminology has effectively analysed the stories that constitute harm, less attention has been paid to narratives that counter harm. We argue that stories that counter jihadi narratives are crucial to understand the narrative struggles of Muslim communities, whose outcomes can help determine why some individuals end up becoming religious extremists – while others do not. By distinguishing between factual, emotional and humorous counternarratives and describing silence as a form of resistance, we show resistance to extremism that is often concealed from the public and the state.

In September 2008, all of China was shocked by the tainted milk scandal. In order to help the Chinese government to establish a food traceability system (FTS), the authors conducted the present research which aims to investigate the acceptability of certified traceable (CT) food among Chinese consumers.

A survey consisting of face‐to‐face interviews with 1,757 consumers from 13 cities in the Jiangsu Province of China was used. The 13 cities fell into three different categories according to their levels of economic development. The acceptance and purchase of CT food were compared and analyzed in the three levels of consumers. The factors affecting consumer unwillingness to purchase CT food were obtained by factor analysis.

After the respondents were fully informed about FTS, their acceptance level for CT food significantly increased. The respondents who were willing to buy CT food particularly preferred milk, eggs, and honey as well as meats such as pork, beef, mutton, chicken and duck. Of the total respondents, 68 per cent stated that they would be willing to pay extra for CT food. The main factors affecting consumer unwillingness to buy CT food were: lack of familiarity with CT food and doubt about its function, preference for direct and concise food quality labels, and worries regarding excessively high prices.

Ultimately, it is hoped to improve the overall safety of food in China and potentially worldwide. The Chinese government has to ensure the effectiveness of the FTS, to increase public knowledge about the FTS, to allocate government funds for the establishment of a FTS, and to give extra support to underdeveloped regions. These are the key issues that the Chinese government faces in establishing and popularizing the food traceability system.

This paper researched the acceptability of CT food among Chinese consumers and the factors preventing its acceptance. It provides valuable information for developing countries while seeking to raise China's food safety levels.

The twin trends of health and convenience which have resulted in changing food consumption patterns are outlined. Research among consumers confirmed that there is awareness and concern about the relationship between health and diet; food scares have brought confusion; and the better educated are more food‐conscious. Changing lifestyles and the changing role of women are shown to affect food habits.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the role of customer engagement (CE) on green apparel purchase intention (GPI) among young consumers in India.

A survey was performed on 460 young consumers. Structural equation modeling was applied to check the extent to which the considered variables predicted green purchase intention.

The results determined CE and social influence as key predictors of consumers’ purchase intention toward green apparel products. Study further confirms that CE mediates the association between brand experience (BE) and purchase intention toward green apparels.

Data were collected from young consumers. Further the impact of only few determinants was studied.

The study offers deep insights into the role of CE on consumers’ GPI, which may enable managers to plan suitable marketing plans to encourage such intentions.

The outcomes of this study can be used by managers to incorporate CE strategies in their environmental campaigns for promoting green purchasing practices. Such activities may limit the harmful effect of purchasing practices on the nature.

The current study is a pioneer in examining the role of CE and BE on GPI of consumers in India.

A series of studies, conducted over the period 1989 to 1993, based on actual purchasing patterns, seeks to quantify the extent of purchase of organic food and the consumer′s commitment. The most commonly expressed motives for purchasing organic food have become consideration for the environment and health reasons. Availability and price are the chief factors which inhibit the purchase of organic food. A profile of actual purchasers of organic produce shows them to be female aged 30‐45, with children and having a higher level of disposable income. This research has demonstrated that the primary factor in organic food purchase is the consumer′s level of personal disposable income. There would appear to be a distinction between those who claim to be interested in the environment and those who regularly buy organic products.

The post-Cold War period allowed the U.S. nuclear legacy of ecocide to be declassified and made public. The policy of nuclear secrecy, evident in Russia (see Mironova et al., this volume), was not merely an eastern practice. Western nuclear releases were kept equally under wraps. In England, for example, the Windscale disaster was not fully disclosed until 1987.¹ Likewise, releases from the Hanford Nuclear Reservation, in Washington State, and other U.S. nuclear sites were kept undercover until the same period. The irony was that Americans learned of many of the nuclear skeletons in their closet around the time that Russians learned of theirs (see Mironova et al., this volume). It would appear that glasnost was contagious.