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The equation of unified knowledge says that S = f (A,P) which means that the practical solution to a given problem is a function of the existing, empirical, actual realities and the future, potential, best possible conditions of general stable equilibrium which both pure and practical reason, exhaustive in the Kantian sense, show as being within the realm of potential realities beyond any doubt. The first classical revolution in economic thinking, included in factor “P” of the equation, conceived the economic and financial problems in terms of a model of ideal conditions of stable equilibrium but neglected the full consideration of the existing, actual conditions. That is the main reason why, in the end, it failed. The second modern revolution, included in factor “A” of the equation, conceived the economic and financial problems in terms of the existing, actual conditions, usually in disequilibrium or unstable equilibrium (in case of stagnation) and neglected the sense of right direction expressed in factor “P” or the realization of general, stable equilibrium. That is the main reason why the modern revolution failed in the past and is failing in front of our eyes in the present. The equation of unified knowledge, perceived as a sui generis synthesis between classical and modern thinking has been applied rigorously and systematically in writing the enclosed American‐British economic, monetary, financial and social stabilization plans. In the final analysis, a new economic philosophy, based on a synthesis between classical and modern thinking, called here the new economics of unified knowledge, is applied to solve the malaise of the twentieth century which resulted from a confusion between thinking in terms of stable equilibrium on the one hand and disequilibrium or unstable equilibrium on the other.

THE British Tourist Authority, which entered its second decade of operations in 1980, traces its origins to the Come To Britain Movement inaugurated in 1926 by Sir Francis Towle, the managing director of a chain of hotels. Like countless other private initiatives, before and since, this soon attracted government interest and, after a public meeting at the Mansion House in December 1928, when it was agreed that an organisation designated as the Travel Association of Great Britain and Ireland should be formed, the President of the Board of Trade announced that the government intended to ask Parliament for the sum of £5000 during the forthcoming financial year to support the association's activities. The official purposes of the new body, formally registered in April 1929, were to increase the number of visitors from overseas and to stimulate the demand for British goods and services.

The welfare state as suggested and recommended by the Beveridge Report of 1942 and as subsequently applied since the mid 1940s, is a far cry to the welfare state which exists today in Great Britain, for, as a result of economic pressures, the recession, various other factors, and particularly the political ideology of the present Tory government under Mrs. Margaret Thatcher and Mr. John Major which has been in power since 1979, it becomes clear that the golden age of the welfare state has lost much of its shine. Should the present government continue in office after the next general election, it could well be that the welfare state will dwindle into non‐significance. Indeed, there is currently a crisis in the British welfare state when compared with the ideals of Beveridge of freedom from want and providing people with their needs.

Compares the productivity record of 30 manufacturing industries in UK and Germany in 1979 and 1989. Discusses the relative stocks of three forms of capital: physical capital, human capital and R&D expenditure. Standard growth accounting framework is used to estimate relative multi‐factor productivity levels. Concludes that, although Germany had a strong labour productivity advantage in 1989, Britain′s relative position had improved considerably since 1979. By 1989 German superiority could largely be explained by greater capital resources.

The sources of American information in Britain are both greater and less than what might reasonably be expected in a country which has a common language link with the United States. In the first place, it is surprising what a number of specifically American agencies are available in Great Britain, and, in the second, it is astonishing what important sections of American information are either poorly represented or still unavailable here in spite of the efforts of many people from both countries during the present century.

Compares the findings from the Youth Target Group Index (TGI) Survey of British children with those from the Simmonds Kids and Teens survey in the USA, with implications for marketers. Concludes that the two countries’ youth undeniably share a sophisticated common culture, with most but not all influences coming from the USA, and that there is as a result considerable scope for marketers of goods such as sportswear and web‐based activities; differences between the youth in the two countries include a greater degree of independence among American than British children aged 7 to 10, with somewhat higher mobile phone ownership.

The purpose of this paper is to stimulate thought on the management of business alliances by considering the mismanagement of relationships between the allies, particularly France and Great Britain, in World War I.

The paper is not intended to be a work of history, although such works are used extensively, but, given the limitations of such a paper, an exhaustive analysis of the events in World War I is infeasible. Errors in selection of data are the responsibility of the paper's author.

The war did not develop as expected and the physical stalemate on the Western Front proved intractable to the routine thinking of the generals. The war involved the total economy of the nations involved in a way never before encountered and the steps the politicians had to take to gear up their nations brought them into conflict with the military. Although the nations opposing the Central Powers were allied, there was no single strategy, rather a series of national initiatives that were barely co‐ordinated with their partners. Unity of military command was achieved in the final months of the war and led to a greater effectiveness of the Entente armies. Firms that ally themselves need to overcome this tendency to concentrate on their own operations and be prepared to appoint an “alliance manager” with the power to make the partners work effectively as a team. The absence of clear thinking in strategy formulation and effective joint command in 1914‐1918 resulted in a Pyrrhic victory and terrible casualties and vast expenditure. Firms cannot afford such a “victory”.

The case is a warning to those forming business alliances that their aims must be harmonised with those of their partners, that the strategy is for the benefit of all partners, and some “sovereignty” must be sacrificed in the wider interests o the alliance.

This approach aims to cast an unusual perspective on alliances from which the value of existing theory is reinforced.

For almost a decade I have been a student of British developments in industrial relations and industrial training. During the same period I have been involved in these fields in the United States, particularly in California. California has been expanding at a very rapid rate in the areas of general education, higher education, and technical and vocational education. Consequently my point of view is that of a Californian as well as an American. We have many ‘Scotlands’ and ‘Wales’ in the United States: the quantity and quality of industrial training varies tremendously from one part of the country to the next. This makes it very difficult to say without considerable qualification what is being developed in America. However, there is a growing movement to establish an effective national manpower policy including industrial training and because of this what is being done in Britain is of considerable interest to those in the United States who have responsibilities in this area.

The international comparison of organisations in near‐identical situations with regard to size, technology, the task environment, dependence and location suggests itself as the most appropriate opportunity to test the “null hypothesis” of the cultural influence on organisation structures for the purposes of this study. The overall design of the project is based on earlier French research work, which had initiated cross‐national comparisons in the early 1970s. This article specifically focuses on British‐German comparisons.

The pattern of prosecutions forfood offences has changed very little in the past decade. Compositional offences have rarely exceeded 5 per cent and, since the 1967 batch of regulations for meat products, are mostly in respect of deficient meat content. Food hygiene offences have also remained steady, with no improvement to show for all the effort to change the monotony of repulsive detail. The two major causes of all legal proceedings, constituting about 90 per cent of all cases—the presence of foreign matter and sale of mouldy food—continue unchanged; and at about the same levels, viz. an average of 55 per cent of the total for foreign matter and 35 per cent for mouldy food. What is highly significant about this changed concept of food and drugs administration is that almost all prosecutions now arise from consumer complaint. The number for adulteration as revealed by official sampling and analysis and from direct inspectorial action is small in relation to the whole. A few mouldy food offences are included in prosecutions for infringements of the food hygiene regulations, but for most of the years for which statistics have been gathered by the BFJ and published annually, all prosecutions for the presence of foreign matter have come from consumer complaint. The extent to which food law administration is dependent upon this source is shown by the fact that 97 per cent of all prosecutions in 1971 for foreign bodies and mouldy food—579 and 340 respectively—resulted from complaints; and in 1972, 98 per cent of prosecutions resulted from the same source in respect of 597 for foreign matter and 341 for mouldy food. Dirty milk bottle cases in both years all arose from consumer complaint; 41 and 37 respectively.