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This paper offers grounded insights on organization–government relationships, or the practice of public affairs, in Kenya.

In-depth interviews were conducted with senior Kenyan practitioners. Interviewees represent national corporations, multinational corporations with offices in Kenya, consulting agencies, parastatal intergovernmental organizations, national government and county governments.

Results suggest Kenyan public affairs is centered on relationship management, research and intelligence gathering, risk management and strategic communication. Second, while lobbying is a tactic, it is not synonymous with the broader scope of public affairs strategy. Third, the absence of educational training, a professional body to oversee the profession and the perception of public affairs as “bribery” are threats to the profession's growth.

Findings should not be interpreted to represent “Africa's public affairs industry,” rather a snapshot of the profession contextualized in Kenya.

Kenya needs a professional body to manage the public affairs profession at a national level. It also needs an established curriculum in its higher education environment. Lastly, as one of the fastest growing markets in the world, understanding the public policy environment will benefit multinational organizations looking to expand and operate in Kenya.

This study contributes diverse and inclusive insights on the practice of public affairs in a leading economic and political actor in sub-Saharan Africa. It also expands organization–public relationship theory to articulate engagement with governmental stakeholders.

Drawing on the work of Niccolo Machiavelli and his appreciation of management and power, this paper explores the contemporary role of public affairs in UK organisations and the type of roles enacted by practitioners. The paper reviews how public affairs and, particularly, the corporate lobbying function have been treated by researchers and outlines recent research into the role played by public affairs practitioners based within a number of leading UK organisations. This study forms part of a longer‐term research programme designed to examine the functioning of in‐house public affairs departments within the UK. The paper explores how the role of public affairs practitioners can be conceptualised and suggests that public affairs and corporate lobbying have gained increasing recognition as strategically important activities, particularly within the more regulated sectors of industry.

Increasingly more companies are recognising the importance of regulations and other legislation and their effects on business. This recognition has caused significant growth in public affairs practice, primarily through the growing number of public affairs consultancies which have been supporting the organisation's public affairs efforts. Importantly, organisations are realising that an in‐house public affairs practitioner offers greater understanding of the objectives of the company and is available to work with other internal managers to formulate effective public affairs programmes.

The purpose of this study is to explain the need for the implementation of decentralization of Indonesia social health insurance (INA-Medicare), with particular emphasis for Aceh Province. First, it discusses the inconsistency of Act on National Social Security System (ANSSS) to the 1945 Constitution, because certain rules in ANSSS are contrary to the 1945 Constitution. This weakens the practice of broader regional autonomy, lessens the importance of public service quality in health care and ignores specific cultural and religious values of the regional people. Then, it explains provisions on central and regional government authority in the 1945 Constitution, Act on Regional Autonomy and Act on Governing of Aceh. Later, it explores current law and practice of INA-Medicare under the national social security system and the centralized administering body. Finally, it provides reasons for decentralization of INA-Medicare, as the solution.

This study uses doctrinal legal research. It relies on both primary and secondary legal authorities. In additions, it also uses sociolegal research by relying on non-legal materials, including empirical data from books, journals and newspapers. Analysis of legal authorities is by legal reasoning process, whereas analysis of non-legal materials is by qualitative approach.

This study argues that the decentralization of INA-Medicare is more suitable for Aceh Province because of several reasons, including implementing broader regional autonomy, improving public service quality in health care and implementing the principle of sharia social health insurance.

The study is original because it focuses on a specific regional area of Aceh Province, Indonesia. It concentrates on specific legal issues and provides unique reasons for argumentation. Therefore, it provides important specific information for journal readers.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate how government affairs micro-blog (also referred to as GAM) are applied to the disclosure of government emergency information in China, to identify its existing problems and to provide solutions.

In this paper, online research, case analysis and other methods were used to analyze the application status of China’s Government micro-blog in emergency information disclosure in recent years. Based on the relevant data and cases, a systematic theoretical research is conducted according to the established research framework.

There are some problems in the application of GAM to crisis management, such as insufficient information dissemination, incomplete information disclosure, fragmentation of information and lack of dynamic updating and communication. So, it is necessary to strengthen the organization and management of GAM, establish a perfect emergency management mechanism of GAM, increase the positive influence of GAM on public opinions and establish an evaluation accountability system of administrative micro-blog management.

The analysis of the application of GAM to the disclosure of government emergency information and the proposed strategies for improving its performance are all original, and they are both meaningful to more effective usage of GAM and facilitation of government emergency information disclosure.

This paper aims to examine the secessionist orientation of Kurdistan Region’s paradiplomacy in the context of two main variables: the internal structural variables in Iraq after 2003 and the nationalism variable.

This study relies on the theory of neoliberalism to explain the transformation of Kurdistan’s paradiplomacy to protodiplomacy. It also relies on legal approach through using the Iraqi constitution and the draft constitution for the Kurdistan Region.

The internal structural variables are one of the main variables to motivate the region with advanced nationalism to pursue a protodiplomacy. Secession or forming an independent state of Kurds is a historic requirement supported by the advanced nationalism of Iraqi Kurds.

This study encourages focusing on the crucial role of the internal structural variables that drive the regions, especially with the advanced nationalism to pursue a protodiplomacy. Also, this study recommends giving more focus on the external variables and Kurdistan’s secession.

This paper reveals the reality of Kurdistan’s protodiplomacy.

Undertakes a historico‐theoretical study to outline the constitutional and developmental predicament of the Native Indian people in Canada against the hegemonic models instituted by the Federal Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development. Analyses a factual survey done by Statistics Canada to highlight the various kinds of socio‐economic problems being faced by Native Indians and to point out the prospects before them. Recommends an ecological alternative in the light of the new land rights being signed between the Federal Government and the Native Indians in Canada. Introduces a concept of social wellbeing and formalizes this as a criterion for evaluating the economic, social and political factors in an interactive and consensual way to generate better futures with conflict resolution.

This study aims to explore how firms can design their government affairs (GAs) units in ways that improve their ability to monitor and influence legislative developments in their firms’ corporate political environments.

This conceptual work is informed by existing research into organizational design, brought to life with illustrative examples of firms’ political actions derived from interviews conducted with practitioners in the field.

In line with organizational design thinking, the authors find that high-performing GA units need to be designed and built using a blend of mutually reinforcing organizational mechanisms. GA units should be staffed by autonomous managers with mixed skills-sets. Moreover, they should not be constrained by formal rules, but instead given autonomy and support to create lateral relations with other business units.

This study provides a “recipe” that managers can follow to create opportunities for the exchange of political information within their firms and enable and motivate GAs practitioners to monitor and influence political developments more effectively.

This research exposes important, organizational antecedents of firms’ political strategies, which have not been systematically explored in the existing literature.

This study proposes a novel method utilising a speech-word pair bipartite network to examine the correlation structure between members of parliament (MPs) in the context of the UK- China relationship.

We construct MP-word pair bipartite networks based on the co-occurrence relationship between MPs and words in their speech content. These networks are then mapped into monopartite MPs correlation networks. Additionally, the study calculates correlation network indicators and identifies MP communities and factions to determine the characteristics of MPs and their interrelation in the UK-China relationship. This includes insights into the distribution of key MPs, their correlation structure and the evolution and development trends of MP factions.

Analysis of the parliamentary speeches on China-related affairs in the British Parliament from 2011 to 2020 reveals that the distribution and interrelationship of MPs engaged in UK-China affairs are centralised and discrete, with a few core MPs playing an integral role in the UK-China relationship. Among them, MPs such as Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon, David Cameron, Lord Hunt of Chesterton and Lord Howell of Guildford formed factions with significant differences; however, the continuity of their evolution exhibits unstableness. The core MP factions, such as those led by Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon and David Cameron, have achieved a level of maturity and exert significant influence.

The research has several limitations that warrant acknowledgement. First, we mapped the MP-word pair bipartite network into the MP correlation network for analysis without directly analysing the structure of MPs based on the bipartite network. In future studies, we aim to explore various types of analysis based on the proposed bipartite networks to provide more comprehensive and accurate references for studying UK-China relations. In addition, we seek to incorporate semantic-level analyses, such as sentiment analysis of MPs, into the MP-word -pair bipartite networks for in-depth analysis. Second, the interpretations of MP structures in the UK-China relationship in this study are limited. Consequently, expertise in UK-China relations should be incorporated to enhance the study and provide more practical recommendations.

Firstly, the findings can contribute to an objective understanding of the characteristics and connotations of UK-China relations, thereby informing adjustments of focus accordingly. The identification of the main factions in the UK-China relationship emphasises the imperative for governments to pay greater attention to these MPs’ speeches and social relationships. Secondly, examining the evolution and development of MP factions aids in identifying a country’s diplomatic focus during different periods. This can assist governments in responding promptly to relevant issues and contribute to the formulation of effective foreign policies.

First, this study expands the research methodology of parliamentary debates analysis in previous studies. To the best of our knowledge, we are the first to study the UK-China relationship through the MP-word-pair bipartite network. This outcome inspires future researchers to apply various knowledge networks in the LIS field to elucidate deeper characteristics and connotations of UK-China relations. Second, this study provides a novel perspective for UK-China relationship analysis, which deepens the research object from keywords to MPs. This finding may offer important implications for researchers to further study the role of MPs in the UK-China relationship.

This study proposes a novel scheme for analysing the correlation structure between MPs based on bipartite networks. This approach offers insights into the development and evolving dynamics of MPs.