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The purpose of the paper is to demonstrate that history has much to teach leaders in understanding resistance to affirmative action and how a greater commitment to…
The purpose of the paper is to demonstrate that history has much to teach leaders in understanding resistance to affirmative action and how a greater commitment to diversity can be fostered.
This narrative review provides a timeline of a case for resolution‐by‐agreement in the wake of the landmark Knight v. Alabama case.
There have been dramatic increases in the enrollment of students of color and the presence of African‐American faculty in the three major public universities that comprise the University of Alabama System, as well as others in the state.
The present review does not contend that historic and fundamental inequities no longer exist in business and society. Moreover, the authors recognize that present inequities in the realms of diversity have important and historical roots. Likewise, there is no attempt to suggest that affirmative action is no longer a necessary or desired program in some areas. Neither do the authors deny the potential for inordinate management influence in the implementation and practice of some programs that focus on “diversity” instead of “affirmative action.”
The numbers are not optimal. But future studies, along with this paper, should make a significant contribution to the affirmative action literature in the hope that organizations of all types may exceed their goals in the area of “diversity” as part of a larger quest for genuine advancements in the realm of diversity and fairness throughout society.
The paper provides an additional lens through which to examine diversity initiatives. Organizations can learn from the resolution‐by‐agreement process used to settle this desegregation dispute.
The Middle East is currently proving an attractive destination for retailers, with many sectors now being represented in the region’s markets. This case considers the opportunities and threats presented by the Middle East environment and outlines the expansion of UK department store Debenhams in the region. With franchise partner M&H Alshaya, it now has six stores in the region, with further openings planned.
There is not enough space in this introduction to present a definitive analysis of the word serial, or even of the qualification of the term for this column, reference serial, and I would refer all such questions to the monographs treating the subject of serial bibliography. The purpose of this column simply is to review abstracting services, indexes, digests, serial bibliographies, loose‐leaf updating services, yearbooks, reviewing services, and annual guides and directories which are issued on a continuing basis for reference uses. Serials to be generally excluded from review in “Reference Serials” include monographic series, encyclopedic sets, proceedings, magazines and government publications, all of which are either treated elsewhere in RSR or other journals of the profession. There is no clear‐cut division that will define the coverage of this column since some series like annual reviews, which collect papers on a specific topic, deserve to be treated as reference serials, and some magazines are so highly specialized that they are in essence abstracts and indexes.
Depending on the circumstances, modern capitalism wraps itself in totalitarian, authoritarian, and democratic dresses. But it is widely believed that (representative…
Depending on the circumstances, modern capitalism wraps itself in totalitarian, authoritarian, and democratic dresses. But it is widely believed that (representative) democracy is the only political form that allows the majority of the country's citizens to exercise their freedom of choice in selecting their representatives. By dealing exclusively with the questions of democracy in choosing U.S. presidents, this chapter makes an attempt to analyze the soundness of this assertion.
Events are in the saddle and tend to ride mankind.Ralph Waldo Emerson
On March 9, 1998, the elected University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign (UIUC) Senate, the governing body of the campus elected from its faculty and students, voted 97 to…
On March 9, 1998, the elected University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign (UIUC) Senate, the governing body of the campus elected from its faculty and students, voted 97 to 29 in favor of the resolution,The University Administration and Board of Trustees immediately retire Chief Illiniwek and discontinue licensing Native American Indian symbols as representations of the University.At that meeting, the voices of students and faculty were heard, a supporting petition signed by more than 700 faculty was presented to then Chancellor Michael Aiken, and data from 10 other institutions were presented and attested that those colleges and universities did not experience any diminution in gift-giving as a consequence of retiring their Indian mascots. It seemed the retirement of Chief Illiniwek and the end to the use of Native American imagery in the UIUC sports program would be imminent. No one, certainly not me, thought it would take another ten years before the mascotry ended. During that prolonged interim, I requested and was granted permission to speak to the University Board of Trustees during the mandated Open Intake session of their meetings. The following represents the texts of my messages, which by Board policy needed to be confined to 5 minutes, and which by practice were never responded to.
Law enforcement social control policies over black Americans can be traced back to early policing. From the development of the “patroller” system (established in 1794 to…
Law enforcement social control policies over black Americans can be traced back to early policing. From the development of the “patroller” system (established in 1794 to systematically police slaves) to contemporary police militarization, the relationship between black Americans and the police has been defined by bitter conflict that continuously results in outward expressions of discontent and protests. Recent examples abound, including the Los Angeles riots in the 1990s, the aftermath of the murder of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, as well as the protests sparked by the deaths of Eric Garner and Freddie Gray. Indeed, social, political, and media speculation has placed police behavior under heavy scrutiny. Questions abound regarding the fairness, appropriateness, legality, and legitimacy of police methods, as critics have accused policing agencies of adopting punitive and repressive measures that target communities of color (and act as provocation for rioting). This chapter will use a critical lens to first investigate the historical social control strategies used against communities of color by law enforcement (beginning with antebellum “beat companies” to more contemporary “broken windows” policies). Next, the author observes that, in addition to institutional evolution, police behavior (specifically related to community policing and responses to community protests) have accordingly shifted since the nineteenth century. For example, the author discusses the three current strategies of protest management (escalated force, negotiated management, and strategic incapacitation) that have all been embraced to varying degrees with relationship to police response to black community protests. Last, the author explores the iterative process of police “command and control” policies and black community protests, noting that these competing forces have “coevolved,” mirroring one another, and feature antagonistic attitudes from both sides.
By making the explicit connections between the processes of urban-suburban racial transitions and Wilson and Kelling’s broken windows theory, this chapter proposes the…
By making the explicit connections between the processes of urban-suburban racial transitions and Wilson and Kelling’s broken windows theory, this chapter proposes the linkage between concern for crime/disorder and anti-Blackness.
The contention is supported by recounting and highlighting key historical dynamics and their congruency with the original broken windows treatise; bringing in relevant research regarding racial coding and assumptions; surveys on residential mobility; and theoretical frameworks on colorblind racism.
The enduring popularity of broken windows theory is likely more due to its colorblind explanations of the suburbanization of urban Whites than to the explanatory merit of the theory. To explain the origin of such (problematic) concepts as “urban decay” and “crime-ridden communities,” the theory deflects concerns for determinative processes such as deindustrialization, integration, overpolicing, and historical anti-Blackness and provides a parable regarding a lack of vigilance in support of community norms, which in White communities have traditionally been segregationist. The moral of the parable is that “urban decay” is the result of Whites allowing desegregation to proceed after Brown v. Board.
This chapter provides a macro-discursive explanation for the popularity of broken windows theory and helps explain its centrality to the ongoing discussions regarding race, territorial and disorder policing, and practices such as stop-and-frisk.