Nobody concerned with political economy can neglect the history of economic doctrines. Structural changes in the economy and society influence economic thinking and…
Nobody concerned with political economy can neglect the history of economic doctrines. Structural changes in the economy and society influence economic thinking and, conversely, innovative thought structures and attitudes have almost always forced economic institutions and modes of behaviour to adjust. We learn from the history of economic doctrines how a particular theory emerged and whether, and in which environment, it could take root. We can see how a school evolves out of a common methodological perception and similar techniques of analysis, and how it has to establish itself. The interaction between unresolved problems on the one hand, and the search for better solutions or explanations on the other, leads to a change in paradigma and to the formation of new lines of reasoning. As long as the real world is subject to progress and change scientific search for explanation must out of necessity continue.
The notion of sustainable development, which appears to have become a permanent fixture in political and economic discussions at the national and international level…
The notion of sustainable development, which appears to have become a permanent fixture in political and economic discussions at the national and international level, carries with it approvals of various sorts. At a time when the sheer number of human beings on the planet is ecologically problematic, sustainable development has replaced motherhood as that which everyone unreservedly commends. The different foundations upon which approval rests successfully blanket sustainable development with an all encompassing positive assessment. Positively assessed economically, politically, ecologically and purportedly topped off with moral support from human rights and justice considerations, sustainable development has attained the status of an unquestioned good. Frequently it is touted as the highest good. The means to achieving sustainable development globally and how to contribute to it nationally are seriously debated worldwide. While courses of action plotted to secure the end may rest in pages of committee reports or be poorly implemented, the few voices raised against the recommendation to pursue it are scarcely discernable as a murmur in the cacophony of those who sing its praises. Consequently, when the support from economic, political, ecological and moral theories combines with “the people's” commitment to sustainable development, this notion functions to identify today's most powerful justification for the actions or omissions of governments, individually or jointly.
In a simple reciprocal dumping model of trade, this study scrutinizes the strategic role of trade and commodity taxes as environmental instruments when consumption of an…
In a simple reciprocal dumping model of trade, this study scrutinizes the strategic role of trade and commodity taxes as environmental instruments when consumption of an imported product generates pollution. The results suggest that for sufficiently small values of the marginal disutility from pollution, commodity taxes can be preferred over import tariffs, and compared to the case of trade policies, free trade can be welfare dominating even for higher values of the marginal disutility from pollution when commodity taxes are used strategically as environmental instruments.
The authors employ a reciprocal dumping model of trade.
A sufficiently high marginal disutility from pollution (or sufficient asymmetries between the countries in terms of their marginal disutility from pollution) may jeopardize bilateral trade, especially if countries are given the option to set tariffs freely for imported goods (consumption of which generate environmental pollution). For sufficiently weak transboundary pollution and sufficiently low marginal disutility from pollution, (1) both Nash trade and domestic policies may prove to be helpful in addressing consumption-based pollution, and (2) it is possible to show in such a case that Nash domestic policies may be preferred over Nash trade policies, especially when both transboundary pollution and the trading partner's marginal disutility from pollution are sufficiently low.
The novel contribution of this paper is (1) to capture asymmetries among trading partners in terms of how much they account for environmental pollution when deciding on their (domestic/trade) policy measures and (2) to focus on environmental degradation that is caused by final consumption of a product imported from a trading partner.
The United States has entered into a tripartite Free TradeAgreement with Canada and Mexico with a planned 1 January 1994 debut.What are the possibilities of a North…
The United States has entered into a tripartite Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico with a planned 1 January 1994 debut. What are the possibilities of a North American Common Market being formed? What are the potential threats that could undermine NAFTA? What are the necessary prerequisites for this to occur? What would it look like? Examines these issues, attempts to provide answers to the questions and provides recommendations for marketers.
Aim of the present monograph is the economic analysis of the role of MNEs regarding globalisation and digital economy and in parallel there is a reference and examination…
Aim of the present monograph is the economic analysis of the role of MNEs regarding globalisation and digital economy and in parallel there is a reference and examination of some legal aspects concerning MNEs, cyberspace and e‐commerce as the means of expression of the digital economy. The whole effort of the author is focused on the examination of various aspects of MNEs and their impact upon globalisation and vice versa and how and if we are moving towards a global digital economy.
We have used the Michigan computable general equilibrium (CGE) model of World Production and Trade to calculate the aggregate welfare and sectoral employment effects of…
We have used the Michigan computable general equilibrium (CGE) model of World Production and Trade to calculate the aggregate welfare and sectoral employment effects of the menu of U.S.–Japan trade policies. The menu of policies encompasses the various preferential U.S. and Japan bilateral and regional free trade agreements (FTAs) negotiated and in process, unilateral removal of existing trade barriers by the two countries, and global (multilateral) free trade. The U.S. preferential agreements include the FTAs approved by the U.S. Congress with Chile and Singapore in 2003, those signed with Central America, Australia, and Morocco and awaiting Congressional approval in 2004, and prospective FTAs with the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), Thailand, and the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA). The Japanese preferential agreements include the bilateral FTA with Singapore signed in 2002 and prospective FTAs with Chile, Indonesia, Korea, Malaysia, Mexico, Philippines, and Thailand. The welfare impacts of the FTAs on the United States and Japan are shown to be rather small in absolute and relative terms. The sectoral employment effects are also generally small in the United States and Japan, but vary across the individual sectors depending on the patterns of the bilateral liberalization. The welfare effects on the FTA partner countries are mostly positive though generally small, but there are some indications of potentially disruptive employment shifts in some partner countries. There are indications of trade diversion and detrimental welfare effects on nonmember countries for some of the FTAs analyzed. Data limitations precluded analysis of the welfare effects of the different FTA rules of origin and other discriminatory arrangements.
In comparison with the welfare gains from the U.S. and Japan bilateral FTAs, the gains from both unilateral trade liberalization by the United States, Japan, and the FTA partners and global (multilateral) free trade are shown to be rather substantial and more uniformly positive for all countries in the global trading system. The U.S. and Japan FTAs are based on “hub” and “spoke” arrangements. We show that the spokes emanate out in different and often overlapping directions, suggesting that the complex of bilateral FTAs may create distortions of the global trading system.
Purpose − Instances of refusal to trade stand in contrast to the theorems on the gains from trade. Two paradigms, second-best and political economy, have been used to…
Purpose − Instances of refusal to trade stand in contrast to the theorems on the gains from trade. Two paradigms, second-best and political economy, have been used to explain refusal to trade. Murray Kemp (1962) provided a foundation for the political economy paradigm when he noted that, in the absence of lump-sum redistribution, the theorems on the gains from trade are “true but irrelevant”. This chapter takes Murray Kemp's observation as a point of departure for a consideration of the relation between individual and group gains from trade. Paradigms in explaining refusal to trade are distinguished.
Methodology/Approach − This chapter examines ideas underlying explanations for refusal to participate in international trade.
Findings − Two different approaches are identified in modeling and explaining why the gains from trade are compromised by refusal of governments to allow free trade. The second-best approach suggests a justification for refusal to trade while the political economy approach with public-choice foundations proposes an explanation.
Practical implications − Ideology expressed in how governments are viewed can influence economic analysis.
The purpose of this paper is to establish the benefits of free trade, to examine the reasons and outcomes of protectionist policies, and to evaluate the rationale behind trade protectionism.
The methodology used in this paper includes review of the literature and empirical studies published from 1967 to 2008, and descriptive statistical analysis of data published by international organizations.
International trade has been growing faster than growth of world gross domestic product, and countries with freer trade policies benefit more than countries with restricted policies. Yet, trade protectionism continues to be exercised in response to pressure from select industries and political constituencies. The paper also establishes that trade restrictions are harmful to the economies of the trading partners.
This paper establishes the benefits of free trade, the harms of trade restrictions, and challenges the popular rationale for protectionism.
This chapter explores Lula's internationalist strategy toward the politics of globalization, which involves building alliances within the Common Market of the South…
This chapter explores Lula's internationalist strategy toward the politics of globalization, which involves building alliances within the Common Market of the South (Mercosur) and between Mercosur and the European Union. It compares Lula's internationalism with the earlier nationalist Brazilian informatics policy as shifting strategies of sovereignty, highlighting their differences as interventions in the politics of globalization. In the process, it explores the changing conditions of globalization and assesses the potential of Lula's strategy as an alternative to the dominant neoliberal globalization form.