Search results

The school timetable is a powerful administrative tool. Ideally it should operationalise the aims and objectives of the school by providing an appropriate structural dimension to the curriculum. Stark reality may prevent this ideal relationship from being achieved. Another function served by the school timetable is its allocative role. It performs the important task of allocating a large proportion of the school's resources. The resources of teacher‐time, pupil‐time and room‐space have their use controlled directly by the timetable. The material resources of equipment and supplies, which are largely related to subjects taught, are indirectly controlled. Timetable analysis can therefore serve two purposes. It can reveal the reality of a school's curriculum organization. This reality may be intentional or unintentional. Secondly, it can show where a school allocates its resources, in particular the important ones of teacher‐time and room‐space. Information in these areas should enable school administrators to make better decisions on the school's educational programme and on resource allocation practices to achieve desired aims and objectives. This paper reports part of a study which used timetable analysis for these purposes. It shows the type of information which can be obtained by such analysis and argues that the quantitative and qualitative data provided can provide a more informed basis for decision making.

The purpose of this paper is to argue that philosophic and administrative thought have enframed (Heidegger, 1977) us to unconsciously accept technology in public administration and the bureaucracy.

It builds on literature in phenomenology.

It discusses the implications of this phenomenon for organizational decision-making, management, and governance more broadly.

It questions whether we should utilize video technology in policing, and examine technology as good or bad before implementing it.

Most of the critiques of technology were in the early 1990s. This paper attempts to explain why we implicitly accept technology, links the philosophy of Immanuel Kant to Herbert Simon, and articulates how technology shapes our thinking.

Nobody concerned with political economy can neglect the history of economic doctrines. Structural changes in the economy and society influence economic thinking and, conversely, innovative thought structures and attitudes have almost always forced economic institutions and modes of behaviour to adjust. We learn from the history of economic doctrines how a particular theory emerged and whether, and in which environment, it could take root. We can see how a school evolves out of a common methodological perception and similar techniques of analysis, and how it has to establish itself. The interaction between unresolved problems on the one hand, and the search for better solutions or explanations on the other, leads to a change in paradigma and to the formation of new lines of reasoning. As long as the real world is subject to progress and change scientific search for explanation must out of necessity continue.

The object of this research is the reconstruction of the existing legal response by European Union states to the phenomenon of immigration. It seeks to analyse the process of conferral of protection.

One main dimension is selected and discussed: the case law of the national courts. The study focuses on the legal status of immigrants resulting from the intervention of these national courts.

The research shows that although the courts have conferred an increasing protection on immigrants, this has not challenged the fundamental principle of the sovereignty of the states to decide, according to their discretionary prerogatives, which immigrants are allowed to enter and stay in their territories. Notwithstanding the differences in the general constitutional and legal structures, the research also shows that the courts of the three countries considered – France, Germany and Spain – have progressively moved towards converging solutions in protecting immigrants.

The research contributes to a better understanding of the different legal orders analysed.

The recent Childhood Immunization Initiative of the Clinton Administration was a dramatic and ambitious policy response to what we will show is a case of significant management and implementation failure. Interpreted by the Administration as a policy failure, low rates of early childhood immunization met with an aggressive and targeted policy response which ultimately diverted attention away from significant evidence of fundamental problems of service delivery, infrastructure, and parental knowledge and behavior. Analyzes and seeks to evaluate the reasons for the poor fit between the diagnosis of the problem of existing childhood immunization policy and the ultimate policy prescription of the Clinton Administration which relies almost exclusively on reducing the price of vaccines.

We address here how the U.S. neoliberal policy regime developed and how its reconstructed vision of modernization, which culminated, under the rubric of globalization, was neutralized by 9/11 and neoconservative geopolitics. We analyze the phases in the rise of neoliberalism, and provide a detailed map of its vision of global modernization at its high tide under Clinton. We also address how the Bush Doctrine's unilateral, preemptive polices and the consequent War on Terror and Iraq War eroded U.S. legitimacy as the globalization system's hegmon and shifted the discourse from globalization to empire. Cold War modernization theorists, neoliberal globalization advocates, and Bush doctrine neoconservatives all drew on an American exceptionalist tradition that portrays the U.S. as modernity's “lead society,” attaches universal significance to its values, policies, and institutions, and urges their worldwide diffusion. All three traditions ignore or diminish the importance of substantive equality and social justice. We suggest that consequent U.S. policy problems might be averted by recovery of a suppressed side of the American tradition that stresses social justice and holds that democracy must start at home and be spread by example rather than by exhortation or force. Overall, we explore the contradictory U.S. role in an emergent post-Cold War world.

Historically, Panama has always been “a place of transit.” While technically the isthmus formed part of Colombia in the nineteenth century, it was linked geopolitically to the United States soon after the California gold rush, beginning in the late 1840s. The first attempt at building a canal ended in failure in 1893 when disease and poor management forced Ferdinand de Lesseps to abandon the project. The U.S. undertaking to build the canal could only begin after Panama declared itself free and broke away from Colombia in 1903, with the support of the United States.

This study is motivated by the view that Democrats are concerned with reducing unemployment in the short‐run, while Republicans are concerned with keeping inflation low to promote economic stability and growth. The purpose of this paper is to ask whether the Federal Reserve forecasts of nonfarm payroll employment are accurate and free of systematic bias during the 1977‐2000 Democratic and Republican administrations.

The authors employ comparable forecasts from a univariate autoregressive integrated moving‐average (ARIMA) model to assess forecast accuracy. An ARIMA model efficiently utilizes past information and thus yields desirable forecasts commonly used as benchmarks.

Federal Reserve forecasts during the Democratic Administrations, while failing to outperform the ARIMA forecasts, display systematic under‐prediction. Such evidence is consistent with a discretionary approach to monetary policy when the bias is in the direction of full employment. During the Republican Administrations, the Federal Reserve forecasts, while superior to the ARIMA forecasts, are free of systematic bias. This, we argue, is consistent with a monetary policy that approximated the Taylor rule.

The distinct behavior over the two administrations is unique to the nonfarm payroll employment forecasts and cannot be substantiated for the Federal Reserve forecasts of other macroeconomic variables.

This study provides new insights into the monetary policies pursued during the 1977‐2000 Democratic and Republican administrations. The findings are useful and informative for the design and implementation of monetary policy.

This document is only a first attempt at providing a brief description of the official publications of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. In order to repair the omissions and errors in this survey, it would be necessary to send a questionnaire to the various administrations, which would enable us to fill in some considerable gaps in administrative information.

This annotated listing of 125 United States Government bibliographies is the first annual supplement to BIBLIOGRAPHY OF UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT BIBLIOGRAPHIES 1968–1973 (Pierian Press). Most publications included bear a 1974 imprint, though there are some with earlier imprints which are not included in the 1968–1973 BIBLIOGRAPHY.