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The purpose of this paper is to explore how those engaged in service user involvement (SUI) initiatives perceive involvement and recovery; whether involvement is related to their recovery process and, if so, how.

An exploratory qualitative method, social constructionist grounded theory, was adopted throughout the research process. Nine semi-structured interviews were undertaken with participants who self-defined as having current or previous mental health problems and who were engaged in SUI initiatives.

Most participants identified explicit links between their own experiences of SUI and recovery. These links represented a connection between the characteristics they perceived to be inherent to involvement and their personal definitions of recovery. In contrast, experiences of consultation and involvement as patient service users was limited and identified as an area for improvement. The core of the tentative grounded theory constructed suggests that individuals found in involvement elements which were concordant with and supported their own definitions of recovery and which were not apparent in their experiences as patients.

The small sample and narrow constituency of participants limit the nature of the claims made by the study.

This study highlights the value of involvement in promoting recovery and indicates the merit of promoting meaningful involvement across the spectrum of the service user experience.

This study offers a unique contribution to the current literature, highlighting the links made between involvement and personal recovery.

This paper proposes an anthropology‐based theoretical model describing the impact of top management culture clash on the commitment of the acquired team to the new organization and on its cooperation with the acquiring team. It suggests that three factors are influential, namely the degree of cultural differences, the nature of the contact between the teams, and the intended level of integration between the companies. The paper generates numerous propositions for predicting the impact of the culture clash. It also offers suggestions for further theoretical and empirical study, and presents some of the model's practical implications.

This issue is a selected bibliography covering the subject of leadership.

What is the relationship between outcomes for distressed firms and the value of managerial stockholdings in those firms? The outcomes presented are: (1) Chapter 11 reorganization; (2) acquisition/merger; (3) internal turnaround Dollar value of ownership of the firm's common stock by the firm's top managers is used to distinguish between the outcomes for distressed firms which have declining performance. The likelihood of a firm ending up in a merger with or being acquired by another private firm increases with the amount of managerial wealth invested in the firm's stock. Firms whose managers are not owners are more likely to follow an internal turnaround strategy, such as cutting costs and/or selling assets. This strategy offers non‐owner managers a greater opportunity to maintain their managerial prerogatives than does a merger or an acquisition. This outcome is consistent with agency theory, which asserts that where possible, managers act in their own best interests to the detriment of the stockholders' interests. In the context of the firm, agency theory describes the situation wherein stockholders (principals) delegate responsibility for the firm's day to day affairs to managers (agents). One key issue in agency theory is risk sharing. Managers and stockholders may prefer different outcomes for the distressed firm due to their different risk preferences. Findings of the present study suggest that managerial wealth was not a predictor of Chapter 11 reorganization in bankruptcy, but the distressed firms' strategies were affected by the aggregate dollar value of a firm's stock owned by top managers.

The aim of this paper is to conceptualize employees' sustainable work abilities, or their long‐term adaptive and proactive abilities to work, farewell at work, and contribute through working. Sustainable work is defined as to promote the development in personal resources leading to sustainable work ability.

The conceptual paper distinguishes vital personal resources underlying an employee's sustainable work ability and categorizes these resources with the help of integral theory. Collaborative work crafting was outlined as a tool to promote the development of personal resources and sustainable work ability.

Sustainable work ability depends on personal resources relating to our human nature as both individual and communal beings with both interior and exterior worlds. Work crafting may create sustainable work in which existing personal resources are benefited from, developed further through learning, or translated into novel resources.

When formal job descriptions and preplanned job design do not work in post‐industrial work, traditional job design can be replaced by collaborative work crafting, which allows development in both work and employees.

The paper synthesizes different types of personal resources needed for sustainable working and outlines their development processes, rather than adds one more theory to explain some specific aspect of well‐being, development, and functioning. The paper offers one of the first definitions of sustainable work.

The various forms of retribution that whistle blowers endure, at the hands of their employers, both financially and psychologically for having attempted to correct mismanagement, fraud, and dishonesty are often times too much for the whistle blower to bear (Glazer and Glazer, 1986, August). Careers are put into jeopardy because individuals with strong ethics decide to pursue lawsuits against their employer. For instance, US Forest Service employees have found their careers ruined through either demotions or loss of job when caught speaking out in favour of the environment or sound science, or when simply obeying the law (Schneider, 1991, July/August).

Companies that effectively convey their corporate values, strengths, and experience to an international audience can position themselves to take greater advantage of global opportunities.

Once a week, almost one in ten Swedish children moves between two homes, replacing the routines and practices of one household with those of another. They are children in dual residence arrangements, dividing their time equally between two households after parental separation. Being on the move physically, as well as emotionally and relationally, is a part of their everyday lives. In this chapter, the author addresses children’s perspectives on living their everyday lives in two households and belonging to two homes and how they make sense of regularly shifting between different locations and (perhaps) contrasting family practices, rules and routines. Children’s accounts reveal how moving becomes a routine everyday practice, yet the regular change is perceived differently by different children. While highly valued by some, others find it difficult to handle the emotional stress of constantly leaving one parent behind, or the practical juggling of packing and moving. In the children’s accounts, they reveal how they take part in shaping their dual family lives, post-separation. The chapter draws on qualitative interviews with 20 children and young people living in dual residence arrangements. By using family practices as the analytical focus when analysing children’s accounts, the aim is to understand how everyday life is shaped by mobility. It is argued that the practices associated with dual residence are deeply embedded in physical, emotional and relational dimensions of mobility.