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Burkina Faso is a land-locked country, sharing a border with six other countries, namely Mali, Niger, Benin, Togo, Ghana, and Cote D'Ivoire in the zone of West Africa (Fig. 1). Due to the geographical location of the Sahel region, the country's climate is characterized by rainy and dry seasons. According to the Human Development Report in 2010, the country has a very weak economy with a GDP of 522 USD per habitant, principally based on agriculture (25%), animal production (12%), and forestry/fishery (3%) (MECV & SP/CONEDD, 2006a). The population growth is extremely high at 2.8%, with 46.4% of the population living below the national poverty line and 81.2% living on less than $2 a day (UNDP, 2009). The biomass energy is the largest primary energy source covering 80% of total consumption, thus accelerating soil degradation as well as deforestation.

Case studies from many countries indicate that even when rainfall is high drought can still occur. Droughts have been recorded in Bangladesh, where the rainfall is 2,300mm per year, and in Luang Prabang, Laos, where the annual rainfall is 3,200mm. Similarly, the highest Standardized Precipitation Index (SPI) value of 2.78 indicates a possibility of floods in Cambodia. Identification of a threshold SPI value is necessary to pinpoint impending drought. Since SPI values reflect only the rainfall situation and not the existing water availability in reservoirs and canal systems, such a detailed impact-assessment study should also compare the duration of a negative SPI value with that of reduction in the available water from various sources, including groundwater, reservoirs, and canal irrigation systems. So drought occurs not only because of lack of rainfall but also because of bad practices of water usage and water management.

Among the most fragile, complex, and productive ecosystems to benefit humans are coastal ecosystems, and they offer many services. These ecosystem services range from provisioning services to protection services, cultural services, and supporting services. The coastal zone is defined as a transition between the land and the sea, making it clear that there would be dynamic activities both complementing and sometimes conflicting with each other. Coastal resources constitute an important component of natural resources, particularly in a country such as India.

Fighting the drought. Based on this idea, for almost two centuries now the Brazilian State has elaborated policies and programmes intended to stimulate rural development in the semiarid region of the country. It is this idea which has nourished the illusion that immense infrastructures need to be built to capture, store and transport large volumes of water in order to supply production activities in the region. Associated with this proposal is the attempt to reproduce the same pattern of development adopted in other Brazilian biomes, the main characteristic of which is the use of monoculture practices on large properties managed according to entrepreneurial modes of production. However the rich social experience promoted by rural worker organizations in the region has challenged this model by proposing living with the semiarid (Convivência com o Semiárido) as the guiding principle for alternative trajectories of development. Inspired by the experience of territorial development under way in the Agreste da Borborema region of Paraíba state, the chapter shows that the evolution of these new paths of development depends on revitalizing and mobilizing locally available resources, such as ecological potentials, social mechanisms for organizing labour and for producing and sharing knowledge, local forms of connecting food production to consumption and so on. The text concludes by emphasizing the need to design and implant institutional frameworks that enable a more balanced distribution of power between the State and civil society organizations, thereby allowing the latter to assume a more substantial role in identifying and managing endogenous resources that underpin self-centred development strategies.

While Erratic Distribution of Monsoon is the main cause of abnormal monsoon, the consequences of Early Withdrawal of Monsoon are generally quite serious and can create disastrous situations for the drought-prone areas of the country. It is this intrinsic variability of the rainfall over India, in both time and space that makes India, especially the drier regions thereof, vulnerable to droughts. Although no part of India is immune to the adverse impacts of drought, the arid and ,semi-arid regions in the western, northern and peninsular parts of the country experience more frequent droughts, at times leading to a crippling impact on the national economy. The Indian economy, thus, has been described as a “gamble of monsoon” (Venkateswarlu, 2010). A look at the rainfall departure¹ and the corresponding food-grain production (Table 1) in India from 2000 to 2009 reveals that in the drought years of 2002 and 2009 the All India rainfall departure was −19.2% and −21.8%, respectively, leading to a drastic fall in food-grain production by 13.4 and 6.9%, respectively, as compared to the previous years, which received good monsoon rains.

Conceptualizing development in terms of risk management has become a prominent feature of mainstream development discourse. This has led to a convergence between the rubrics of financial inclusion and risk management whereby improved access for poor households to private sector credit, insurance and savings products is represented as a necessary step toward building “resilience.” This convergence, however, is notable for a shallow understanding of the production and distribution of risks. By naturalizing risk as an inevitable product of complex systems, the approach fails to interrogate how risk is produced and displaced unevenly between social groups. Ignoring the structural and relational dimensions of risk production leads to an overly technical approach to risk management that is willfully blind to the intersection of risk and social power. A case study of the promotion of index-based livestock insurance in Mongolia – held as a model for innovative risk management via financial inclusion – is used to indicate the tensions and contradictions of this projected synthesis of development and risk management.

In every industry there are resources. Some are moving, others more fixed; some are technical, others social. People working with the resources, for example, as buyers or sellers, or users or producers, may not make much notice of them. A product sells. A facility functions. The business relationship in which we make our money has “always” been there. However, some times this picture of order is disturbed. A user having purchased a product for decades may “suddenly” say to the producer that s/he does not appreciate the product. And a producer having received an order of a product that s/he thought was well known, may find it impossible to sell it. Such disturbances may be ignored. Or they can be used as a platform for development. In this study we investigate the latter option, theoretically and through real world data. Concerning theory we draw on the industrial network approach. We see industrial actors as part of (industrial) networks. In their activities actors use and produce resources. Moreover, the actors interact − bilaterally and multilaterally. This leads to development of resources and networks. Through “thick” descriptions of two cases we illustrate and try to understand the interactive character of resource development and how actors do business on features of resources. The cases are about a certain type of resource, a product − goat milk. The main message to industrial actors is that they should pay attention to that products can be co-created. Successful co-creation of products, moreover, may require development also of business relationships and their connections (“networking”).

Social identity shaped by sexual orientation is unique because it is invisible (as compared to age and some ethnic identities); a circumstance that may activate homophobia perceptions when an individual’s sexual orientation becomes fodder for speculation. Chapter 7 enjoins a wide variety of related issues in order to sharpen a focus on sex in the workplace; love and sex in the literal sense, as well as social identity shaped by sexual orientation, sex-based discrimination, sex as political action, and important ways that sex intersects with other social identity dimensions including age, gender, ethnicity/race, and socioeconomic status. An important distinction made throughout the chapter is the degree that protections are offered to various groups with regard to sex and work. These protections (or lack of them) are critical for gays, lesbians, bisexuals, the transgendered, and queer or questioning people who consider whether or not to disclose information about their sexual identity at work.

While many multinational corporations have adopted policies or guidelines and implemented programs to communicate an inclusive perspective on sexual identity in the workplace and to promote diversity training for all employees, too few workplaces around the globe offer legal protections for workers relative to sexual identity. People are subject to workplace discrimination whether they are gay or lesbian, or simply appear to be so and sexual harassment according to gender remains a fixture of organizations. To explore the organizational research on sexuality, Chapter 7 attends to subthemes of: love, lust, and sex-based harassment in the workplace; how organizations address sexual orientation and sex-based harassment in the workplace; managing one’s sexual identity in the workplace; and intersectionalities of sexual identity with ethnicity, gender, and social class.