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In the southern hemisphere, the Antarctic continent is also experiencing a net loss in ice from the extensive glaciers and ice sheets that cover it. However, the connection between changes in Antarctic ice sheets and the global warming trend are much more uncertain than in the Arctic. The complex of changes in the Antarctic climate and the ice sheets are described in a later section of this chapter.

In 2001, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change's Third Assessment Report revealed an important increase in the level of consensus concerning the reality of human-caused climate warming. The scientific basis for global warming has thus been sufficiently established to enable meaningful planning of appropriate policy responses to address global warming. As a result, the world's policy makers, governments, industries, energy producers/planners, and individuals from many other walks of life have increased their attention toward finding acceptable solutions to the challenge of global warming. This laudable increase in worldwide attention to this global-scale challenge has not, however, led to a heightened optimism that the required substantial reductions in carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions deemed necessary to stabilize the global climate can be achieved anytime soon. This fact is due in large part to several fundamental aspects of the climate system that interact to ensure that climate change is a phenomenon that will emerge over extensive timescales.

Although most of the warming observed during the 20th century is attributed to increased greenhouse gas concentrations, because of the high heat capacity of the world's oceans, further warming will lag added greenhouse gas concentrations by decades to centuries. Thus, today's enhanced atmospheric CO2 concentrations have already “wired in” a certain amount of future warming in the climate system, independent of human actions. Furthermore, as atmospheric CO2 concentrations increase, the world's natural CO2 “sinks” will begin to saturate, diminishing their ability to remove CO2 from the atmosphere. Future warming will also eventually cause melting of the Greenland and Antarctic ice sheets, which will contribute substantially to sea level rise, but only over hundreds to thousands of years. As a result, current generations have, in effect, decided to make future generations pay most of the direct and indirect costs of this major global problem. The longer the delay in reducing CO2 and other greenhouse gas emissions, the greater the burden of climate change will be for future life on earth.

Collectively, these phenomena comprise a “global warming dilemma.” On the one hand, the current level of global warming to date appears to be comparatively benign, about 0.6°C. This seemingly small warming to date has thus hardly been sufficient to spur the world to pursue aggressive CO2 emissions reduction policies. On the other hand, the decision to delay global emissions reductions in the absence of a current crisis is essentially a commitment to accept large levels of climate warming and sea level rise for many centuries. This dilemma is a difficult obstacle for policy makers to overcome, although better education of policy makers regarding the long-term consequences of climate change may assist in policy development.

The policy challenge is further exacerbated by factors that lie outside the realm of science. There are a host of values conflicts that conspire to prevent meaningful preventative actions on the global scale. These values conflicts are deeply rooted in our very globally diverse lifestyles and our national, cultural, religious, political, economic, environmental, and personal belief systems. This vast diversity of values and priorities inevitably leads to equally diverse opinions on who or what should pay for preventing or experiencing climate change, how much they should pay, when, and in what form. Ultimately, the challenge to all is to determine the extent to which we will be able to contribute to limiting the magnitude of this problem so as to preserve the quality of life for many future generations of life on earth.

Saroma Lake is the largest lagoon in Japan, situated at latitude 44°05′07″ and 44°11′58″ north and longitude 143°40′06″ and 143°58′14″ east (Fig. 3.1). It is located in the northeast of Hokkaido along the Okhotsk sea. The size and circumference of the lake area is around 151km² and 91km, respectively. The pear-shaped lagoon is around 25.7km long and around 9.5km wide. The lake has semiclosed estuaries with sea mouths between Okhotsk sea and lake. In the lake, two artificial sea mouths have been excavated, where the water exchange can be maintained. These are around 300 and 50m wide. Approximately 90 percent of the total inflow from the sea to the lake passes through the former mouth, which was opened in 1927. The salinity level in Saroma Lake is almost similar to that of the Okhotsk sea due to the active tidal water exchange through the two mouths. An average water depth in Saroma Lake is 14m, approximately 18m deep at the deepest point. The lake receives fresh water from 13 rivers, particularly two principal streams (i.e., River Saromabetsu and Baro), where a large quantity of freshwater and subsequent sediments and nutrients are supplied into the lake.

This chapter provided systematic and comprehensive analysis on trawl fisheries management and conservation measures in the Straits of Malacca. Detailed analysis is conducted on Malaysian fishery management framework particularly domestic country's trawl fishery status, legal structure, input-control strategies, ecosystem protection plan, pollution, law enforcement, and complementary measures that designed to reduce and prevent overfishing in the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of Malacca Straits. Gaps and challenges found in existing trawl fisheries literature are presented followed by recommendations for improvement in the management and conservation of trawl fisheries.

During the great post–World War II economic expansion, modernization theorists held that the new American capitalism balanced mass production and mass consumption, meshed profitability with labor's interests, and ended class conflict. They thought that Keynesian policies insured a near full-employment, low-inflation, continuous growth economy. They viewed the United States as the “new lead society,” eliminating industrial capitalism's backward features and progressing toward modernity's penultimate “postindustrial” stage.⁷ Many Americans believed that the ideal of “consumer freedom,” forged early in the century, had been widely realized and epitomized American democracy's superiority to communism.⁸ However, critics held that the new capitalism did not solve all of classical capitalism's problems (e.g., poverty) and that much increased consumption generated new types of cultural and political problems. John Kenneth Galbraith argued that mainstream economists assumed that human nature dictates an unlimited “urgency of wants,” naturalizing ever increasing production and consumption and precluding the distinction of goods required to meet basic needs from those that stoke wasteful, destructive appetites. In his view, mainstream economists’ individualistic, acquisitive presuppositions crown consumers sovereign and obscure cultural forces, especially advertising, that generate and channel desire and elevate possessions and consumption into the prime measures of self-worth. Galbraith held that production's “paramount position” and related “imperatives of consumer demand” create dependence on economic growth and generate new imbalances and insecurities.⁹ Harsher critics held that the consumer culture blinded middle-class Americans to injustice, despotic bureaucracy, and drudge work (e.g., Mills, 1961; Marcuse, 1964). But even these radical critics implied that postwar capitalism unlocked the secret of sustained economic growth.

This book reviewed a historical sketch of lagoon fisheries management from the past to the present and future orientation that fishers and concerned stakeholders might commit themselves to take actions. The study made great endeavor to highlight the lagoon fisheries with regard to development and conservation at multiple scales associated with various stakeholders. Evidence from case studies (state-based, community-based, and partnership-based) revealed that the nature of lagoon fisheries is quite complex and ecosystem processes are dominated by an essential quality of uncertainty. Indeed, lagoon fisheries are considered vulnerable in terms of climate variability, the extent of salinity level and water volumes, patterns of hydrological cycle, and water pollution. The case studies addressed how lagoon areas are physically or climatically subject to various influences not only from their internal environment but also from the adjacent marine and terrestrial areas. In an effort to maintain (and, preferably, improve) fishery resources in the lagoon environment, attention has to be paid to highlight a wider realization of lagoon fisheries management at multiple scales. The scope of its management might be expanded beyond the range of fish ecology (with the exception of migratory fishes such as salmon and eel). Given that the focus of lagoon fisheries management is on the entire watershed, multiple resources and livelihood activities must be taken into account; many resources are transboundary in nature with a high degree of mobility (Armitage, Marschke, & Plummer, 2008).