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This paper explores the changing nature of federalism in the United States. While the paper highlights different phases of federalism and its impact on sub-national governance, the focus is on “New Federalism” a reform initiative begun in the 1970s that emphasizes decentralization from the national to state and local governments. Today, federal programs and funding are transferred to the states; however, these program responsibilities are then devolved from state to local governments. This creates tension across governments in a good economy; however, it can be a formula for disaster in times of severe budget shortfalls. The argument is made that, though devolution is largely a positive development, collaboration among interdependent national and sub-national governments needs to be advanced.

The political philosophy of American federalism was a critical influence on the work of Peter Drucker. Drucker drew on federalist ideas to devise ways to distribute and check power within organizations, curbing the darker side of human nature. In this article, the authors aim to discuss the history of federalism, and to demonstrate how Drucker used that philosophy to shape his own management theories. The article also seeks to provide suggestions for applying federalist principles to today's organizations.

Drucker's own writings, as well as historical primary sources, are analyzed to illustrate the influence of federalism. The authors use specific examples from Drucker's own work, including his study of General Motors and his concept of management by objectives, to illustrate how federalism informed Drucker's vision for a functioning society of institutions.

Although Drucker has been criticized as a utopian, he, like the federalists and their philosophical forefathers, grappled with the role and nature of virtue in society, the balance between individual liberty and the greater good, and the need for checks and balances on power. As evidenced by Drucker's work, federalism offers a potential solution to today's organizations for managing complex networks and alliances, as well as creating an effective top‐management team.

Future research into the applicability of federalism to contemporary organizations is suggested.

This paper provides an in‐depth analysis of the impact of federalist principles on Drucker's work, and offers specific suggestions for applying federalism to managing organizations today. It provides an important connection between the discipline of management and the liberal arts.

The notion of constitutionalism and federalism as principal devices for limiting the power of government is central to F. A. Hayek’s political philosophy. A number of political scientists have recently criticized Hayek’s (as well as J. M. Buchanan’s and B. R. Weingast’s) reasoning on this subject for its presumed “neoliberal bias.” This paper reviews this critique and takes it as a challenge to clarify certain ambiguities in Hayek’s – and, more generally, in liberal – accounts of constitutionalism and federalism.

American federalism permits the states a good deal of latitude for action, and, at the same time, the federal government can exercise control through both mandates and the use of its financial powers. During the COVID-19 pandemic, the federal relationship was strained not only because of the sheer magnitude of the crisis but also because of political conflicts between the federal government and some of the states. During the Trump administration, the federal government initially denied the importance of the pandemic, and then (except for encouraging the development of vaccines) did little to support the states or citizens in fighting the virus. The Biden administration, on the other hand, was active in distributing the vaccine and in supporting other responses to the pandemic. The pandemic also exposed the underlying weaknesses in the public health system of the United States and the extent to which years of conflict between levels of government have reduced effective cooperation, even in times of crisis.

Analyses and clarifies the concept of federalism outside such limited paradigmatic boundaries and includes the relevant social and economic variables. Applies a holistic and interdisciplinary methodology in the framework of the processes of general culture evolution to interrelate the social, the political and the economic. Compares the West European experiences and the US prototype, to that of the current movement towards an evolving Russian federation. Analyses the apparent positive and centripetal movement towards West European federalism, in the context of the European Union, juxtoposed to the centrifrugal forces evident in the collapse of the USSR. Analyses the current movement towards a Russian federation.

Attempts a critical evaluation of the theoretical foundation of the local government system in Nigeria. Re‐assesses Nigeria′s idea of three‐tier federalism both as a theory of federal organization and as a policy reform. Reviews the different definitions of “tiered federalism” and attempts to synthesize them into a coherent idea. Shows that three‐tier federalism is impossible to define in a consistent manner. Proceeds from this to argue that its so‐called successes are in centralizing the Nigerian state rather than in furthering the idea of local governance.

Brazilian federalism was important in the political game of combating the pandemic for three reasons. First, Brazil's public health system depends heavily on intergovernmental relations between Union, states, and municipalities because there is a policy portfolio based on federative cooperation. Second, the subnational governments' autonomy to act against COVID-19 was constantly questioned by the Federal Government – the conflict between the President and governors was a key piece in all health policy. Finally, states and local governments were primarily responsible for policies to fight against pandemic, but the absence and/or wrong measures taken by the Federal Government (such as the delay in purchasing vaccines) generated intergovernmental incoordination, increased territorial inequality, and reduced the effectiveness of subnational public policies, especially those linked to social isolation. In this context, Brazilian federalism played a dual role in the pandemic. On the one hand, the federative structure partially succeeded in averting an even worse scenario, mitigating the impact of mistaken presidential decisions. The role of subnational governments, especially of the states, was critical as a counterweight to federal decisions. On the other hand, the President actively acted against governors and mayors and, above all, sought to weaken intergovernmental articulations within the Unified Health System (SUS), the federative model designed three decades ago. One could say that the federative actors, such as the Supreme Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal – STF) and subnational governments, were the main obstacles for the Bolsonarist antiscientific agenda. The success of this reaction to President Bolsonaro's negationist populism was partial, but the results of the fight against COVID-19 would have been much worse without these federalist barriers.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between fiscal federalism and accountability in Nigeria. Corruption is a global plague and is endemic in nature. Several policies have been adopted by the Nigerian Government to institutionalize accountability and combat the scourge of corruption that have hindered socio-economic progress but to no avail.

Thus, this study examined fiscal federalism and accountability issues in Nigeria using secondary data and used the auto-regressive distributed lag econometric technique to analyse the data.

The results from this study reveal that fiscal federalism fails to mitigate corruption in the long run in Nigeria because of poor bureaucratic quality (BQ) and ineffective law and order (LOR).

Fiscal decentralization must be accompanied by legislations that will strengthen BQ of fiscal institutions at subnational levels and promote effective LOR.

This study recommends that for fiscal federalism to mitigate corruption in the long run, government must adopt appropriate policies to improve BQ and further strengthen LOR in Nigeria. The finding also suggests that to promote public sector accountability in Nigeria, government should ensure the simultaneous decentralization of expenditure and revenue to lower tiers of government. This study provides detailed empirical evidence that fiscal decentralization without accountability will accentuate public sector corruption, and in the long run, weaken local economic development initiative to boost growth and development.

This paper explores the possibilities of federalist and multicultural theory as a basis to generate perception change within Israeli‐Jewish society. In an innovative course, student subjects were exposed to the narratives of a variety of subgroups, participated in a workshop, and studied various examples of federalism and multiculturalism as an alternative to Israel's historic melting pot model. Their opinions on Israeli society and cultural outlook were analyzed based on qualitative methods and consensus theory (which is being introduced as a measurement of attitudinal change). The data indicates that the course was able to generate empathy for the “other,” encourage the students to identify commonalities between disparate subgroups and to consolidate the consensus and change some opinions toward a more federalist multicultural viewpoint. Based on this experiment, we suggest that there is a foundation to consider a federalist multicultural model as a vehicle to reduce social tensions in Israel and elsewhere.

If intergovernmental relations are necessary in normal times, it should be even more required to face complex intergovernmental problem (CIP) as the COVID-19 pandemic. However, collaboration between governments depends on institutional rules as well as on political will. To discuss this issue, the analytical model is based on two dimensions: institutional design and political agency. As for the first dimension, since COVID-19 pandemic is considered as a CIP, three aspects are relevant when discussing how federations can organize the coordination between different levels of government: autonomy of subnational governments, mechanisms of coordination, and policy portfolio. As for political agency, the performance of political leadership (national presidents and governors) will be analyzed. The possibility of sharing collective goals across the federation is also a consequence of the political agency that takes place within the institutional systems of each federation. In short, it seeks to analyze the relationship between institutional design and political agency to deal with this CIP in five American federations.