Search results

This paper aims to examine the dramatically different markets for over-the-top (OTT) TV services that have emerged in the USA, and other leading markets such as Japan and Korea. Whereas OTT TV services emerged as extensions of mainstream audiovisual providers in Korea and Japan, further entrenching their dominance, they emerged in the USA as market-disrupting newcomers such as Netflix. This paper seeks to explain why, putting forward four explanations: lower resistance to disruptive innovation in public TV dominant systems; higher production costs; lower penetration of broadband-capable devices; and more expensive mobile pricing plans.

This comparative case study examines news and trade press articles, industry surveys and government reports to identify the reasons behind these contrasting experiences of Japan, South Korea and the USA in the deployment of OTT TV services.

To explain why events in the three countries took such dramatically different paths, four explanations were put forward, all complementing one another: lower resistance to disruptive innovation in public TV dominant systems; higher audiovisual production costs in the USA making market-disruptive moves to new technological platforms more risky; lower penetration of broadband-capable devices reducing the profit potential of new OTT-based platforms; and more expensive mobile pricing plans, making it harder for users to access OTT content.

The global trend in the growth of OTT TV services masks significant differences in growth trends and business initiatives at the national level. This paper aims to examine and understand why OTT TV services have shown such different patterns across countries.

The E‐Rate program has been widely applauded for helping American schools achieve almost 100 percent internet connectivity, up from 14 percent in 1996. However, mismanagement and complex administration problems have tainted the program's fame, making it a target for criticism by many commentators, scholars and even governmental agencies. Previous research has suggested that the complex and multi‐stage application process may prevent some school districts from availing of E‐Rate funds due to lack of technical expertise and administrative support. The objective of this paper is to examine the patterns of distribution of E‐Rate funds, especially across the rich‐poor and rural‐urban divides, using nationwide data.

A total of eight states were selected, two each from four categories defined based on the degree of urbanization and per capita personal income: rural rich, rural poor, urban rich and urban poor. From these states, a total of 343 school districts were randomly chosen, roughly equally from the four groups. The E‐Rate funding data for 2006 were obtained from the Universal Service Administration Company (USAC) database and information on each school district from the National Center for Educational Statistics (NCES).

The results indicate a mixed picture on how well the program has fulfilled its policy intent of supporting the most disadvantaged school districts. For example, the percentage of free/reduced lunch eligible students was not a significant predictor for the amount of E‐Rate funds, although this is a critical threshold for deciding the discount levels. While the poverty level of the district, revenue per student, and locations were not significant, only the percentage of minority students and ratio of total staff to total number of students in the district displayed positive and significant effects. Contrary to some of the previous results, this nationwide sample did not reveal any significant relationship between districts' locations and funding amounts. However, it is evident that there are clear differences between groups. Particularly, rural and poor states had less funding compared to other groups in 2006.

It has been suggested that the complex and multi‐stage application process may prevent some school districts from availing of E‐Rate funds due to lack of technical expertise and administrative support. With the data of one state, Pennsylvania, the findings partly supported the hypothesis by showing that rural and poor schools continue to get less funding compared to their urban and richer counterparts.

The paper extends the scope of previous empirical study to a nationwide sample, and analyzes the competing influences on the patterns of distribution of E‐Rate funds.

In a converged and smart media environment, it no longer makes sense to talk only of a digital divide based on access to a platform – instead, a new “smartphone divide” is created based on a user’s ability to access and use an array of different services. Although there is an extensive literature on the digital divide in broadband access and use, zero research efforts have addressed the digital divide in mobile phone usage. Therefore, this research study aims to fill the gap in the literature by looking into new dimensions of the smartphone divide.

Data were collected from a college student sample through an online survey and some hypotheses were framed and tested for intergroup (smartphone users vs non-users) and intragroup (active smartphone users vs inactive users) differences based on access, experience and persistence of usage.

Findings are: first, smartphone users were more active online as expected. Although no significant difference was detected in the amount of time spent on social networking sites (SNSs) between smartphone users and non-users, smartphone users had more friends online and more “online-only” friends than non-users. Second, smartphone users seem to participate more actively in social and political issues than non-users do. Third, active users were adopting digital technologies faster than less active users, and active users were inclined to spend longer time on SNSs than less active users. Also, active users used more free and paid applications on their smartphones compared to less active users.

This research study aims to fill the gap in the literature by looking into new dimensions of the smartphone divide and exploring the differential usage of smartphone users in terms of usage level, awareness and usability levels, usage scope and consequential uses controlling for demographics and socioeconomic status. The ensuing pilot study validates some of speculations suggested in the previous literature.

The purpose of this paper is to examine economic debates over the conception of barriers to entry and speculates which definitions can be applicable to the telecommunications industry, more specifically, the residential broadband market. Also, it seeks to clarify the various industrial factors that could prevent or mar the success of entry into the residential telecommunications market and it also seeks to introduce an analytical framework that can be adopted for evaluating the barriers to entry.

The approach takes the form of a literature review.

It clarifies the various industrial factors that could prevent or mar the success of entry into the residential telecommunications market and introduces an analytical framework that can be adopted for evaluating the barriers to entry.

Although market entry barriers are crucial industrial factors that influence the market share and profit of firms already in the market, very little research has specifically examined barriers in the telecommunications and broadband industry.