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This paper aims to examine the relationship between welfare state configurations, family status, family responsibilities, job attribute preferences, employment, and weekly paid work hours.

International data for women and men were analyzed separately using regressions to determine if different welfare state configurations and individual family status and responsibilities predicted job attribute preferences. Additional regressions examined the effects of welfare state configurations, family status, family responsibilities, and job attribute preferences on women's and men's employment and weekly paid work hours.

In many cases, the variables were significant predictors of women's and men's job attribute preferences, employment and paid work hours.

While the attributes that people seek from their employment vary from individual to individual, it is also important to recognize that there are cultural patterns that can inform motivational efforts.

This multinational study is the first to examine the relationship between family status, conducting housework, providing family income, and job attribute preferences while considering labor market opportunities for women and societal support for the family. In addition, it examines the effects of these variables on employment and weekly paid work hours.

The purpose of this study is to explore the links from self‐focused emotional labor (surface acting) and other‐focused emotional labor (emotional enhancement) to job satisfaction, affective commitment, emotional exhaustion, and intentions to quit.

The study employed a cross‐sectional survey of 363 nurses' aides and childcare workers.

Surface acting, a type of self‐focused emotional labor, was related to negative work outcomes (lower job satisfaction and affective commitment as well as higher turnover intentions and emotional exhaustion). Emotional enhancement, a form of other‐focused emotional labor, was related to positive outcomes (lower turnover intentions and emotional exhaustion) when performed for clients' family members, but not for clients.

The cross sectional design of this study limits the ability to map the temporal ordering of these relationships, and thus to determine if emotional enhancement is a job resource or response to positive work experiences. In addition, two helping occupations – nurses' aides and child care workers – were sampled, and thus, the findings may not generalize to other types of occupations.

This study adds to the research about job‐related emotional labor because other‐focused emotional labor largely has been neglected in previous research. In addition, it is the first to differentiate workers' emotional labor with different groups of clients (patients/children; family members).

Why are some social movement organizations (SMOs) more likely to participate in coalitions than other SMOs? Drawing on findings from a comparative study of 47 organizations in the women's movement in Buenos Aires, Argentina that were active during the first 20 years of the contemporary democratic period (1983–2003), I examine factors related to participation in coalitions. Using qualitative comparative analysis, I identify three paths for coalition participation that account for 90% of the cases where SMOs participated in coalitions. I find that SMOs cooperated with other groups when they engaged in confrontational protest, when they had broad goals and involved non-members in their work, or when they were inclusive and had a formal division of labor that made it possible to send representatives, as is often necessary in formal coalition work. Along with ethnographic evidence, these findings suggest that scholars should pay more attention to the combinations of organizational factors that influence coalition participation, and the strategic motivations, structural features, and cultural aspects of movement organizations that facilitate cooperation between SMOs.

Social movement scholarship convincingly highlights the importance of threats, political opportunities, prior social ties, ideological compatibility, and resources for coalition formation. Based on interviews with Palestinian, Israeli, and international activists involved in two transnational coalitions in Israel/Palestine, this chapter illustrates the emergence of transnational coalitions, particularly those that cross polarized ethno-national divides, depends not only on such facilitators, but also, and critically, on the belief that such diverse cooperation is strategic. I argue these unique coalitions intentionally formed with individuals and organizations situated in different national communities out of a strategic decision by the Palestinian initiators, given the closed political opportunity structure they faced domestically, to enlarge the scope of conflict by drawing in new people and communities who may have some leverage on the Israeli government. Consequently, this chapter also makes clear that partners in the Global South make intentional choices about who to partner with, and that the agency is not solely linked with their more privileged partners in the Global North (cf., Bob, 2001; Widener, 2007). Finally, it illustrates that coalition partners are recruited not only because of social ties, prior histories of interaction, ideological similarity, and shared organizational framing, but also due to key considerations including perceptions of what the ethno-national diversity, varying networks, and differing privileges make available.

As the framing perspective has evolved, there has been growing recognition that framing processes cannot be adequately understood apart from the broader enveloping contexts in which those processes occur. One such context recently has been conceptualized as discursive opportunities or the DOS. To date the concept has been examined most closely and carefully in relation to the media, most notably in Koopmans research on how the strategies of the German radical right have evolved partly in response to various media reactions and constraints (Koopmans, 2004) and in Ferree, Gamson, Gerhards, and Rucht's (2002) comparison of abortion discourse in the U.S. and Germany (between 1970 and 1994) via the media. Koopmans provides the most straightforward and researchable conception of discursive opportunities, defining them in terms of three selection mechanisms that affect the probability of a proffered message or framing being picked-up and diffused. They include “visibility (the extent to which a message is covered by the mass media), resonance (the extent to which others – allies, opponents, authorities, etc. – react to a message), and legitimacy (the degree to which such reactions are supportive)” (Koopmans, 2004, p. 367).

This study uses the concept of standing, or legitimacy, to bridge the disciplinary divide between social movement and communication scholarship on activism. Here, the authors examine whether activist standing in 269 broadcast news stories sampled between 1970 and 2012 across five social movements – Women’s Rights, Gay Rights, Immigrant Rights, Occupy Wall Street, and Tea Party – is undermined by (1) the mix of visuals included in media coverage and (2) activists’ social statuses at the intersection of gender, race, and age. The authors find that broadcast media undercut the standing of activists in some social movements more than others. Occupy activists faced the most challenges to their standing because they were more likely to be shown as angry, young protestors wearing anti-government costumes and engaged in nonnormative protest behavior than activists associated with other movements. In contrast, Tea Party movement activists, who also made anti-government claims during the same relative time frame, were not cast in a similarly negative light. The authors also find that activist standing is diminished and enhanced at the intersection of gender, race, and age. For example, the social movements with the most racial diversity – the immigrant rights and Occupy movements – were also shown as the most deviant and deserving violent repression in coverage. The authors conclude the study with a discussion of the importance of interdisciplinary research and a call for additional research on the movement–media relationship.

During the last few years the prevalence of autism and Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) has increased greatly. A recurring issue is the overlap and boundaries between Intellectual Developmental Disorder (IDD), ASD and Schizophrenia Spectrum Disorders (SSD). In clinical practice with people with IDD, the alternative or adjunctive diagnosis of ASD or SSD is particularly challenging. The purpose of this paper is to define the boundaries and overlapping clinical characteristics of IDD, ASD and SSD; highlight the most relevant differences in clinical presentation; and provide a clinical framework within which to recognize the impact of IDD and ASD in the diagnosis of SSD.

A systematic mapping of the international literature was conducted on the basis of the following questions: first, what are considered to be core and overlapping aspects of IDD, ASD and SSD; second, what are the main issues in clinical practice; and third, can key diagnostic flags be identified to assist in differentiating between the three diagnostic categories?

Crucial clinical aspects for the differentiation resulted to be age of onset, interest towards others, main positive symptoms, and anatomical anomalies of the central nervous system. More robust diagnostic criteria and semeiological references are desirable.

The present literature mapping provides a comprehensive description of the most relevant differences in the clinical presentation of ASD and SSD in persons with IDD.