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This paper aims to offer an example of a comprehensive mid-nineteenth century branding strategy in practice.

The paper follows a historical research methodology using archival resources and secondary sources within a conceptual framework of present-day branding theory (Bastos and Levy) and communication theory (Perloff). It interrogates visual and material data to construct a production-led examination of the development of a company brand.

The examination of the material suggests, first, that the company developed a sophisticated, multi-dimensional, multi-functional and materially coherent branding system. Second, it demonstrates that such a system represents an early example of a strategic practice that many scholars have considered to have arisen only in the late nineteenth/early twentieth centuries. Third, it provides evidence that the origin, if not always the implementation, of the strategy lay with one man, Edward Gibbon Wakefield.

This paper is novel in its use of visual and material culture artifacts to demonstrate the intentions of those who produced them. It also offers an example of practice in an area that is often only explored in theory. It will be of interest to cultural, marketing, visual and material culture historians.

In the early 1840s Edward Gibbon Wakefield's New Zealand Company recruited “emigrants of the labouring classes” promising: “every one of them who is industrious and thrifty, may be sure to become not merely an owner of land, but also in his turn an employer of hired labourers, a master of servants.” Letters sent “Home” to Ham (a village in Surrey, UK) from Wellington between 1841‐1844, by a group of labouring families, project textual personae consistent with this liberal image. The purpose of this paper is to explore educational processes involved in the production of these colonial identities.

The letters are read in relation to archival resources: the curriculum of the National School and alternative educational models in Ham, records of schools provided in Wellington, and pedagogical intentions signalled in the records of the New Zealand Company.

Arguing that migration resulted in a radical change in the subjectivity of these labouring class families, this paper contrasts the curricula of the “National School” attended by these children in Ham with the more secular offerings in Wellington. Their “National School” taught Ham's lower orders to accept their God‐given “stations” in life. Radical critique was suppressed. In Wellington the first schools, such as the Mechanics’ Institute, were non‐denominational, prioritising practical knowledge. Foundations for a secular society based on liberal values were laid.

There is little educational research on how participation in the Wakefield scheme transformed those who, in rural England, were required to remain subservient members of the power orders, into the enterprising independent subjects required in the new colony.

Introduction It has been said that the word imperialism is no word for scholars. It is too value‐laden and uncertain in its meaning, a meaning which has altered with the passage of time. Nevertheless, taking account of its current use, the definition given by Benjamin Cohen (1974, p. 16) seems to be relevant. He defines imperialism as “any relationship of effective combination or control, political or economic, direct or indirect, of one nation over another”. This definition covers old and new imperialism and neo‐colonialism or neo‐imperialism even though it can be charged that it is too wide to be helpful (Mommsen, 1981) especially bearing in mind that the political or economic dependence of one state or set of states on another is relative (Barratt Brown, 1974). Indeed, unequal economic and political relations between nation states appear to be normal or usual, some might even say inescapable, no matter what is the economic system of the day and it is debatable whether all international political and economic relationships involving some degree of one‐way dependence should be described as involving imperialism.

Māori are the indigenous population of New Zealand, although even the name ‘Māori’ is not ever used by them to describe all the inhabitants of those shores at the time of colonisation. Rather, reference is made to the iwi (tribe), hapū (sub-tribe or clan) and whānau (family), one is inherently part of, based firmly on whakapapa (genealogy). Colonisation of New Zealand began in the late 1700s and proceeded in a similar manner to other colonised places around the world, resulting in the sublimation of indigenous peoples and their culture. Māori had societal structures, culture and tikanga (customs) determined by whakapapa. Māori had and continue to have their own way of looking at the world. The legitimation of a Māori world view within a large organisation relies on a vision, a strategy and an overwhelming enthusiasm among key influencers to drive it. Numerous Māori leaders and scholars through the ages have held the same vision for Māori, that is, to be an equal partner in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The Office of Māori Development at the University of Otago supports this vision – to embed aspects of Te Ao Māori within the fabric of the institution. The University’s Māori Strategic Framework (MSF) grew out of two significant documents: a Treaty of Waitangi Audit conducted by Dr Ranginui Walker (University of Otago, 1998) and a Treaty of Waitangi Stocktake undertaken by Janine Kapa (University of Otago, 2005). The Stocktake findings were subsequently tested with a number of key stakeholders from within the University, as well as local mana whenua ¹ and other interest groups. This consultation formed the foundation of the University’s MSF. This chapter begins by outlining the historical context in which the relationship between the University and Māori progressed, leading ultimately to its partnership with Ngāi Tahu. ² A contemporary response to realising indigenous imperatives is then examined, by looking at the formation of the MSF, the importance of the consultative process undertaken with key stakeholders, and further, the role it has played in transforming the University of Otago.

ELSEWHERE we deal with the inaugural meeting of the Association of Assistant Librarians. Those who were privileged to attend tell us that the meeting was quite without precedent in many ways. There is no doubt that this Association is virile, enthusiastic and alive to the best issues in literature. A better foundation for young librarians cannot be conceived. We doubt whether the Society is as strong on the technical side, but that may be because so much of library technique is now standard, and, therefore, only very inventive librarians can bring new views and methods. One of the obvious things in the assembly was the number of girls. At one time a girl at a L.A.A. meeting (to use its old and much better initials) was so rare an appearance that everybody's curiosity was aroused. Now the girls are in the majority. We hope that it will not always be a majority, but we do think that half‐and‐half would be very much better than too many girls or too many boys. In any case those who were present at the meeting are optimistic as to the future of the library profession.

New Zealand has long been regarded as a country with little or no governmental corruption. In recent times it has been ranked consistently as one of the five least corrupt countries in the world, on Transparency International’s (TI) Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). In 2009 and 2011 it was ranked as the single most corruption-free country on the CPI, and in 2012 it shared first place with Denmark and Finland. This chapter examines the reasons why historically New Zealand has been largely free of governmental corruption, using widely accepted definitions of what constitutes corrupt behavior. It goes on to argue that, at least by its own normal standards, the country might now be more susceptible to corruption, for a variety of reasons, in both the public and private sectors, and that more political and administrative attention may need to be paid to this issue. This chapter discusses New Zealand’s surprising tardiness in ratifying the United Nations Convention against Corruption, an apparent reluctance that leaves the country sitting alongside other non-ratifying countries which have endemic levels of corruption in all its forms. In this context, this chapter also notes some international dissatisfaction with New Zealand’s anti-money laundering legislation, enacted in 2009.

On rent, Seligman's claim is based on the fact that in the first edition of the Essay on the External Corn Trade (1815) Torrens conceives rent as a ‘net surplus’, which is undoubtedly true, but not in itself very significant: Adam Smith had already written of rent as surplus produce,¹⁸ and following Smith the same conception is to be found in a number of authors, for instance in Spence's 1807 tract Britain Independent of Commerce, which Torrens certainly knew, having written The Economists Refuted against it in 1808. Spence in fact speaks of rent as ‘the surplus produce paid to [the class of land proprietors] under the denomination of rent’ (Spence, 1807, p. 17).¹⁹

THIS number will appear at the beginning of the Leeds Conference. Although there is no evidence that the attendance will surpass the record attendance registered at the Birmingham Conference, there is every reason to believe that the attendance at Leeds will be very large. The year is one of importance in the history of the city, for it has marked the 300th anniversary of its charter. We hope that some of the festival spirit will survive into the week of the Conference. As a contributor has suggested on another page, we hope that all librarians who attend will do so with the determination to make the Conference one of the friendliest possible character. It has occasionally been pointed out that as the Association grows older it is liable to become more stilted and formal; that institutions and people become standardized and less dynamic. This, if it were true, would be a great pity.