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During the past 30 years environmental policy was never between the top priority areas of public intervention in Greece. Legislative measures related to the protection of human health and nuisance from private economic activities were introduced as early as in the beginning of last century. The post dictatorial constitution of 1975 provided, for the first time, specific provision for the protection of natural environment. However, a comprehensive framework legislation regulating all facets of environmental degradation was adopted only in 1986 but remained, for a long period, practically inactive since the necessary implementing decisions were issued with considerable delay. The country's accession into the EU, in 1981, provided a cognitive and material basis for the modernisation of environmental policy through the incorporation of the environmental acquis into domestic law and building up of domestic administrative capacities through the use of the structural funds. However, low prioritisation of environmental protection in the domestic policy agendas of successive Greek governments continued to affect domestic administrative structures and policy traditions.

The European Union has pursued two contradictory policies over the last decade in response to the challenges of globalization. On the one hand, the EU has loosened borders to facilitate trade and make the EU more competitive globally. On the other hand, the EU has tightened borders to enhance its security, fearing the negative consequences of a globalized world. In this paper, I examine the effects of implementation of the EU's Schengen border regime, a set of rules governing external border control, on the post-communist countries and the difficulties that Schengen has posed for the governments in the region. I also discuss the EU's emerging European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), designed to address many of the concerns voiced by the Central and East European (CEE) officials regarding Schengen. An important element of ENP is to work across the EU external border to facilitate economic relations and develop joint institutions with non-members to create new cooperative borderlands.

Two images are frequently invoked with regard to the evolution of the EU. Certain scholars portray the organization as moving toward a new, post-modern, post-Westphalian entity comprising an increasingly borderless Europe. Other scholars view European integration as a process by which the EU is increasingly taking on the trappings and functions of the state to build a “Fortress Europe.” The discussion of Schengen and the eastern enlargement suggests a more complex reality than either of these two images in which borders are constantly shifting and whose functions are changing in response to the different challenges posed by globalization and internal developments. The EU's external borders will continue to change, both in terms of where they are located and how important these will be. Europe's ENP, with its emphasis on cross-border cooperation, is changing borders into borderlands, zones of cooperation and collaboration across a line on a map. Governance and the shaping of policy are increasingly taking place at multiple sites and with different kinds of actors, further transforming the importance of borders. Perhaps, a new vision of European integration is needed to capture the evolution of the EU.

The European Union (EU) is not a state, though it has some statelike attributes; it is not an empire, though it includes many former European imperial powers; and it is not a federation, though Euro-federalists seek to make it one. There is, however, no need to argue that the Union is a singularity, nor to invent novel terminology, such as that deployed by “neo-functionalists” and “intergovernmentalists” to capture its legal and political form. The EU is a confederation, but with consociational characteristics in its decision-making styles. This conceptualization facilitates understanding and helps explain the patterns of crises within the Union.

The purpose of this article is to explore an energy strategy for the European Union (EU) that could integrate the tensions between geopolitics and the market in a coherent and consistent external EU energy policy.

The approach consists of combining the theoretical framework of international political economy and Europeanization to European energy corridors.

The article finds that most qualitative energy security scenarios can be conceived as applications of international political economy paradigms. Its main result is to conceptually develop a geo‐economic strategy consisting on the Europeanization of EU's external energy corridors along its own energy regulations and standards.

The article explores a distinct hybrid scenario, the Europeanization of energy corridors, which could be instrumental in overcoming the apparent dilemma between EU's market and geopolitical‐based scenarios.

The original contribution of the article lies in the application of international political economy and Europeanization theories to energy security scenarios, and the inclusion of governments' preferences in the process of hedging market and geopolitical scenarios.

This chapter provides a few practical cases in the framework of selected global challenges from the experience of a practitioner – commercial diplomat that have been chosen according to the combination of relevant experience and legitimacy issues.

This empirical study has no conceptual or big theoretical ambitions. The approach of a multiple case study was chosen as it provides a high-level view of different cases and questions describing practical aspects of selected theoretical topics in the work of a commercial diplomat in the framework of the International Business. Thus the simple narrative descriptions are shown below to provide some important or interesting elements in order to yield different and practical details of Business and Commercial diplomacy which are often different from the theoretical conclusions and outcomes. Hence, some challenges have been selected and analysed as it is assumed that narrative may provide a good insight into the decision-making and into the processes of Business and Commercial diplomacy.

It covers the role of the commercial diplomacy in the EU, the challenges of limited capacities, the comparison of OECD guidelines versus EU acquis communautaire, the sustainable development in the EU and in developing countries, the impact and potential of digitalisation, some notes on the tax avoidance and the importance of public–private partnership.

This study provides practical context for some global challenges and issues from the point of view of a commercial diplomat. There is also a trial for the new definition of Commercial diplomacy and comparison of approaches of Business, Commercial and Trade diplomacy to these issues.

The purpose of this study is to assess the effect of institutional distance on national innovation systems.

This study uses social network analysis to analyze the connectivity between national systems of innovation. A regulative distance index is constructed by coding the European Commission progress reports and using weights to account for relevance to research and innovation.

Reductions in institutional distance (proxied by regulative distance) increase international innovation connectivity between national systems of innovation. More importantly, it leads to increase in both the complexity and resilience of innovation connectivity between countries.

This study provides fresh evidence on the pathways through which institutions affect international business systems. Policy harmonization has strong effects on firm-level corporate strategy.

This chapter takes a closer look at the integration process of the Western Balkan states. At first we will look at the procedures to join the EU, followed by some general information about the countries of the Western Balkans. Building on this, the path and the current results of the individual countries towards EU membership are reviewed. At the end, a closer look at the Berlin Process shows a concrete example how the individual Western Balkan states work with the EU. This allows an outlook how the enlargement process might continue in the coming years.

In this paper, we analyse and provide an overview of the functions the state aid in Kosovo and demonstrate their compliance with EU rules in fidls of state aid Article 107(3)(b) TFEU. We deal with the level of implementation of state aid rules by Kosovo institutions, especially Kosovo’s Commission for State Aid. We provide an overview of the State of Kosovo in fulfilling its obligation on state aid issues based on the Stabilisation and Association Agreement and others documents, which is a step forward for EU integration. We do this by conducting a comparative analysis of the data collected from both primary and secondary sources to demonstrate the current situation on state aid in Kosovo and determine the most appropriate means to build a strong and efficient National State Aid Commission. Findings from the study show that Kosovo Aid Commission is still in a development phase, and more needs to be done to create an adequate state aid regime. We propose measures to ensure the effective implementation of the state aid law.

“Teaching the European Union” is a term as elusive as the notions of “EU Studies” or “European Studies,” both discussed and debated by generations of scholars and practitioners. The case of the EU, and of the art of teaching EU-related content, is one of the most striking examples, where the emphasis on values and principles cannot be passed by indifferently. What is being taught and how it is being taught have a direct impact on the trajectory of the European integration process today and in the years to come. The objective of this introductory chapter is to offer a brief insight into the book’s context and the book’s relevance. Against this backdrop this volume’s content is outlined. A few points for the readers to consider follow.

In our global world, international cooperation has vital importance when addressing humanitarian disasters. Today, as the majority of refugees live in the Southern countries proximate to their homelands, neighboring countries are predominantly the ones that carry the bulk of the refugee burden. Under certain circumstances, states engage in international cooperation in managing refugee crises; to this end, this study analyzes the motivations behind the signing of the 2016 European Union (EU)–Turkey refugee deal and its outcomes for both parties. Past research has shown that the 2015 refugee crisis in Europe demonstrated that the initiatives that the EU countries embarked upon to pursue a monolithic policy against this mass flow fell short and, therefore, enhanced Turkey's leverage with Europe, which provided Turkey with the ability to gain concessions in bilateral talks. However, this study claims that the EU member countries were in a more advantageous position compared to Turkey as a consequence of signing the refugee deal, and it is better to characterize the deal between the parties as burden-shifting rather than burden-sharing. In addition, although the inflow of approximately one million refugees to European shores panicked the European states and coerced most of them to return to their own national migration policies, this study shows that no concrete concessions were provided to Turkey to manage this massive flow. The provisions of the Deal were not the extraordinary payoffs that EU member countries offered Turkey to fight against the irregular migration, but the extension of EU's traditional migration policy.