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Since the early 1990s, various countries have introduced HIV prevention programmes in prisons. Such programmes include education on HIV/AIDS, HCV and on drug use for prisoners and for staff, voluntary testing and counselling, the distribution of condoms, bleach, and needles and syringes, and substitution therapy for injecting drug users. Other forms of drug‐dependence treatment, as well as drug demand reduction and drug supply reduction measures may also be relevant to managing HIV/AIDS and HCV in prisons, and may facilitate HIV prevention measures ‐ or have unintended negative consequences for such measures. Prison systems in a growing number of countries are implementing such programmes. However, many of them are small in scale and restricted to a few prisons. Provision of care and treatment for people living with HIV or AIDS has become a priority worldwide, and it is considered to be a basic human right. This includes the provision of antiretroviral therapy (ARV) in the context of comprehensive HIV/AIDS care. Providing access to ARV for those in need in the context of correctional facilities is a challenge, but it is necessary and feasible. Studies have documented that, when provided with care and access to medications, prisoners respond well to ARV. Part 3 of the select annotated bibliography on HIV/AIDS and HCV in prisons contains selected “essential” articles and reports that provide information about (1) substitution treatment and other forms of drug‐dependence treatment; (2) other drug demand and drug supply reduction measures; and (3) care, treatment, and support for prisoners living with HIVor AIDS and/or HCV. Each section also contains a brief review of the evidence, based on recent work undertaken by the World Health Organization (WHO).

The purpose of this paper is to critically reflect on the usefulness of quality standards aimed at prevention interventions for drug using young offenders.

This paper uses critical literature on quality standards, readings of quality standards and qualitative interviews as well as focus-group discussions with professionals working in services targeting drug use among young offenders.

The findings show discrepancies between the idea that quality standards provide a tool for supporting the implementation of more effective interventions and professionals’ experiences with quality standards as almost absent in their work.

This viewpoint highlights barriers to the implementation of quality standards that have to be overcome if quality standards are to be adopted and implemented in practice.

The paper covers:• nature of the drug problem ‐ drug dependence, prevalence of misuse, distribution of problematic drug‐users (PDUs) across NOMS and how drug‐related offending manifests itself• drug strategy in prisons ‐ demand reduction, supply reduction and establishing through‐care linkages, clinical services, counselling, assessment, referral, advice and through‐care services (CARATs), drug rehabilitation programmes, drug testing programmes, supply reduction initiatives, DIP linkages and wider resettlement agenda• assessing need and planning for the future ‐ needs analysis, development of the collaborative drug treatment vision, initiatives planned or under way to improve quality and amount of treatment available, and mainstreaming/integration of services to reduce re‐offending and make public environment safer.

This chapter reviews the history of civil society engagement on drug policy at the UN. Despite the challenging beginnings characterised by small numbers of civil society attendees at the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, coupled with government mistrust, in the last two decades, civil society representatives have made visible progress in advocating for policy reform and changing the terms of the debate.

Efforts by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the lead up to, as well as during the 2016 United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS), best illustrate this increase in impact and engagement. Reform-orientated civil society strategised heavily on how to bring ‘comprehensive, diverse, balanced, and inclusive’ representation to the UNGASS and achieved this through the Civil Society Task Force, which was carefully balanced in terms of geographic, gender and ideological diversity, and included nine representatives from affected populations, including people who use drugs, people in recovery from drug use disorders, families, youth, farmers of crops deemed illicit, harm reduction, prevention, access to controlled medicines and criminal justice.

The 2016 UNGASS saw the fruition of greater civil society engagement. Eleven speakers were chosen to speak in the forum showcasing the calibre and diversity of civil society representatives. They made powerful, at times poignant statements and pleas for better, more compassionate treatment of people who use drugs, farmers of crops deemed illicit, as well as respect for human rights, sustainable livelihoods and the need to approach the issue through a public health and human rights lens.

The chapter concludes with the finding that reform-orientated civil society had a significant impact on the UNGASS – both on the gains in the Outcome Document and at the actual event, while noting that the most impactful ways to influence has nonetheless been through reform advocacy efforts outside of the official civil society mechanisms. Civil society engagement remains a serious challenge. International solidarity and global networking remain a central part of the drug policy reform movement’s strategy to advocate for change at the national, regional and global levels.

The Swiss drug policy once was very progressive in the 1990s when the harm related to drug use was most visible to the public. Failure of repression opened the room for more innovative harm reduction approaches. In 2008, the four-pillar model including the legal basis for substitution and heroin-assisted treatment of opioid use disorders as well as for other harm reduction facilities was approved by the population that had learned about the success of these measures. Less violence, better health outcomes among people who use drugs and less stigma supported the change of attitudes in the population towards a public health-based approach when dealing with drug use. Switzerland first received heavy criticism for the autonomous policy change at the international level while it is nowadays often cited as best practice example for dealing with people with an opioid use disorder. Otherwise, the country has usually been quiet in drug policy discussions at the UN level. Nevertheless, Switzerland’s reappointment to the Commission on Narcotic Drugs, the central drug policy-making body within the United Nations for a period of four years starting in 2018 is promising, given their unblemished recommendation for human rights-based drug policies including the abolition of the death penalty for drug offences, among other things. Alongside cannabis policy changes at the international level, Switzerland witnessed an unexpected development in cannabis availability and sales. However, the country is still rather conservative with regard to current cannabis policies, although cannabis with less than 1% of THC can be sold legally and the possession of up to 10 g will be followed by a fine only, if at all. Switzerland is open to experiment with new regulations but only if the law allows for that. To conclude, the strong sense of connectedness with the international community may support Switzerland’s next steps towards public health and evidence-based harm reduction.

Problematic drug use in prison remains a pervasive and increasing concern throughout the European Union (EU) in terms of costs to the individual, community and the state. Drug‐related problems in prison seem to be more prominent among female prisoners, as a high proportion of them are problematic drug users whose use continues in prison. Assuming that women’s drug use is an indication of need for treatment and health care, it becomes increasingly interesting how the European penal institutions differ in their response to this need. For this reason, a survey of the prison drug services for adult female drug users has been carried out among the Ministries of Justice of all 25 EU member states. The main purpose of the survey was to gain comprehensive and systematic information on the prevalence of female problematic drug users in European prisons and the availability of treatment and healthcare services. Altogether, 27 European countries and autonomous regions completed the questionnaire developed for this survey. The results of the data analyses indicate that there is poor availability and quality of data relating to the extent of problematic drug use in women’s prisons and, where it is available, it seems to underestimate the proportion of female problematic drug users in prisons. However, most of the European countries provide a range of different harm‐reduction and drug treatment services to respond to the reported health and rehabilitation problems of female problematic drug users. At the same time, however, it is evident that there is a need for further action in some countries, due to their low provision of prison drug treatment and healthcare services for this group. This article is based upon the European research project ‘Female drug users in European prisons’, which was conducted between 2003 and 2004 and funded by the AGIS Programme, Directorate General Justice and Home Affairs, of the European Commission.

Global drug policy has undergone significant change over the past decade, especially with the advent of the 2016 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on drugs. This was a catalyst moment both in highlighting the need for a gender perspective in drug policy, and in initiating a review of the indicators used to evaluate progress in drug policy.

To date, the UN has not adequately tracked gender-specific data in drug policy. This is symptomatic of the lack of focus granted to the specific vulnerabilities and needs of women in the illicit drug trade. This has resulted in a knowledge and understanding gap in relation to the issues faced by women worldwide.

The importance of quantitative and qualitative data and analysis of how and why women are involved in the illicit drug trade, and how this relates to their age, ethnicity, socio-economic status, family situation and history of trauma, violence and mental illness cannot be understated. Without adequate indicators on the underlying factors of their engagement in the trade, the differentiated impacts that both drugs and drug policies have on their lives, and the vulnerabilities they may face, policy makers will be unable to design and implement drug policies that are truly effective.

This chapter provides a historic overview of how data on women has so far been tracked by the UN. The chapter will then look to the future, focussing on opportunities to identify more meaningful indicators within a revised Annual Reports Questionnaire, and also by leveraging the Sustainable Development Goals, UN human rights mechanisms and civil society research.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the extent to which the dominant metrics currently used to measure the success of the UN based global drug prohibition regime are in many ways inadequate and consequently contribute to systemic inertia. Within this context, it seeks to explore the potential of explicitly linking drug policy to the recently launched sustainable development agenda (SDA) and the associated sustainable development goals (SDGs) to initiate a change in approach.

Framing the topic in terms of international relations (IR) and regime analysis, prominent examples of where current metrics are imprecise (the relationship between production and seizures), misconceived (drug use) and missing (a range of drug and drug policy related harms) are explored. Attention is then given to an examination of international development as a model for measuring drug control outcomes, including a discussion of the SDGs in general and the intersection between drug policy interventions and several goals in particular.

While aware of the complexity of the issue area, the paper finds that there are considerable shortcomings in the way international drug policy outcomes are currently assessed. Although methodological problems are likely to persist, linking drug policy with the SDGs and their associated metrics offers the potential to help to shift the focus of international policy in a manner that would benefit not only UN system-wide coherence on the issue, but also assist in the achievement of the regime’s own overarching goal; to safeguard the “health and welfare” of humankind.

With the next high-level review of international drug policy due to take place in 2019, the paper offers policy makers with a way to begin to refocus drug policy metrics, and subsequently review outcomes, in line with the UN system-wide SDA.

As an emerging domain of inquiry, the paper not only explores a hitherto largely unexplored – yet increasingly important – facet of UN level policy evaluation, formulation and implementation, but also helps to fill a gap in the IR literature on regime dynamics.

The dynamics of drug use and trafficking in Poland have changed dramatically since the early 1990s. These changes include legal definitions of drug use, the actors involved in trafficking, and the types of drugs traversing the country. The Polish police force experienced two significant reforms in the 1990s and drug‐related legislation underwent significant reconstruction in 1997 and 2000, while drug trafficking operations continue to persist by organized criminal groups. The purpose of this study is to qualitatively investigate these police reforms and drug legislation developments since 1990, and empirically analyze the interaction effects of these reforms with drug trafficking arrests in Poland.

Officially reported annual data were tested using multivariate regression analyses.

The findings observed from this exploratory study suggest that both the police reforms and changes in drug‐related legislation positively affected the number of arrests for drug trafficking. Additionally, this study found support for an increase in efficiency of the policing model despite the recent decline in the strength of the police force. Interestingly, the number of police officers in the country had no effect on any of the variables.

Quantitatively, the small number of observations poses limitations on the interpretation of the multivariate regression results. In addition, future research should include additional explanatory variables to achieve a greater comprehensive summary of the interaction effects of policing reforms and drug‐related legislation with drug trafficking arrests.

This paper illustrates the need for accurate and timely national‐level, systematically collected data on drug‐ and police‐related indicators that will allow for more inclusive and comprehensive analyses.

This study is one of the first to empirically examine potential interaction effects of police reform and drug‐related legislation on drug trafficking arrests in Poland.

Eastern Europe and Central Asia (EECA) is home to 21% of the world’s population of people who inject drugs and it is the region with the fastest-growing HIV epidemic. HIV prevalence among women who inject drugs is significantly higher than among men in EECA. Even in places with high coverage of needle syringe programmes and HIV testing and treatment, women’s access to opioid substitution treatment is lower than men, and women’s sexual and reproductive health needs remain unaddressed. EECA has a unique system of drug registries that store the personal data of people who use drugs. Registration lowers the chances of employment and access to education and for women and increases the risk of losing custody of their children. The system of drug registries contributes to drug-related stigma. Breaches of confidentiality of drug registry data lead to the further marginalisation of women who use drugs. Criminalisation, past experience of police violence and poverty contribute to healthcare access barriers for women. There is a need for legislative changes to improve personal data protection, decriminalise drug use and reduce police violence. The positive effects of these changes would only be seen in the long term. In the interim, women need special access programmes that are designed specifically to address their needs, that provide free-of-charge services and that ensure the safety and confidentiality of personal data.