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Changes in physiology associated with ageing mean increased concern for the safety of older drivers and the risk they may pose on other road users. The risk of older drivers is distorted by their fragility; they are more likely to be injured or die in road collisions compared to a younger person. Older drivers are, overall, safe drivers who pose similar risks to other road users as middle-aged drivers, but who are at risk themselves because of their fragility. The fragility is greater in older females than older men; females over the age of 80 are nine times more likely to die from their injuries compared to 40–49-year old females, while men are at least five times more likely. Older drivers are overrepresented in collisions at junctions that have no formal traffic control and underrepresented in crashes that involve excess speed. While it is not possible to put traffic signals in every junction, it is suggested consideration be given to mini roundabouts or three-way stop-sign junctions (as found in United States and South Africa). There is no evidence that stringent testing for licence renewal has advantages in reducing older driver risk. Assessments at specialist centres, such as mobility assessment centres, are a more effective way to pick up drivers who are no longer safe to drive.

What happens to nonelite workers’ meaning, belonging, and identity when work is “on-demand”? On-demand organizations, such as Uber and TaskRabbit, have ambiguous boundaries and locations of workers. This qualitative study investigated how organizational and societal boundary discourse and the organization of the work itself, constructed sometimes conflicting worker roles that influenced how ride-hailing workers understood the boundaries of the on-demand organization and their location with respect to it. The roles of app–user and driver–partner constructed ride-hailing workers as outside the boundaries of the organization, while the driver–bot role constructed them as (nonhuman) elements of organizational technology. While the driver–partner role had positive and empowering identity, meaning, and belongingness associations, its conflict with the other roles blocked these positive associations, and led to cynicism and fatalism. We reflect on the possible impacts of the on-demand economy on society, workers, and the practice of work, particularly for nonelite workers.

Purpose — This chapter is aimed at testing the strength of three different drivers to engage in dishonest behavior at work — financial gain, response to injustice, and escape from boredom — and shedding light to the power of individual and organizational values to hold down the effect of these drivers.Design/methodology/approach — We analyze the data of 167 service employees from a large retail organization, who responded to questionnaires which manipulated drivers and organizational values.Findings — As a result we find that the financial and injustice drivers are effectively triggering several dishonest behaviors, whereas — contrary to the expectations — boredom at work does not threaten employers with employee engagement in dishonest behavior. We do find weak moderating effect of individual values in reacting to the drivers for some forms of dishonest behaviors, but the role of organizational values was marginal.Originality/value — In this chapter dishonest behavior is divided into nine specific dishonest acts involving management and customers as the stakeholders whose interests are at stake. We attempt to associate these behaviors with particular drivers. We also look at the moderators in this process: individual and organizational values. To date, espoused values of the organization is an underexplored organizational instrument compared to other situational variables, for instance, the existence of codes of ethics.