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1 – 10 of 41Organisations have over time adopted conservative, structured and controlled processes to manage and achieve goals set with their stakeholders. Contrary to that, an environment of…
Abstract
Organisations have over time adopted conservative, structured and controlled processes to manage and achieve goals set with their stakeholders. Contrary to that, an environment of disruption has emerged, that being a faster, less predictable and less certain environment than the previous fifty or more years. This environmental difference has emerged due to the interconnectivity of trade formed out of globalisation, technology, internet and social media. The historical organisational decision models and structures are perhaps too slow and conservative for a faster less certain new age. Whilst pandemic was considered but one disruption to consider for the new age, more guidance is required for those leading and managing organisations through the current specific Covid-19 pandemic, into the pending recovery and beyond.
Whilst wide-scale jobs may be lost in this new future, new opportunities for entrepreneurs, creativity and skills will likely emerge. This article will research how disruption, pandemic in particular, is changing leadership and management practices. Additionally, this article recognises that many of the organisational structures and processes of today were originally designed over thirty to forty years ago, so may no longer be appropriate. The design aspects or organisations, decision models and dealing with stakeholders will likely need to change in a pandemic, so this paper will recommend new and modified ways for organisations to operate. This research will offer a theoretical solution to assist management and leaders adjust their business and decision models in a pandemic. The past operating organisational models may lack the creativity and flexibility necessary for a world that has locked down, works from home or have closed without notice at once. Leading and managing is so different in a pandemic, especially when so much has changed so quickly, so this article will contribute by recommending new organisational principles to work to.
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Rose Onyeali, Benjamin A. Howell, D. Keith McInnes, Amanda Emerson and Monica E. Williams
Older adults who are or have been incarcerated constitute a growing population in the USA. The complex health needs of this group are often inadequately addressed during…
Abstract
Purpose
Older adults who are or have been incarcerated constitute a growing population in the USA. The complex health needs of this group are often inadequately addressed during incarceration and equally so when transitioning back to the community. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the literature on challenges older adults (age 50 and over) face in maintaining health and accessing social services to support health after an incarceration and to outline recommendations to address the most urgent of these needs.
Design/methodology/approach
This study conducted a narrative literature review to identify the complex health conditions and health services needs of incarcerated older adults in the USA and outline three primary barriers they face in accessing health care and social services during reentry.
Findings
Challenges to healthy reentry of older adults include continuity of health care; housing availability; and access to health insurance, disability and other support. The authors recommend policy changes to improve uniformity of care, development of support networks and increased funding to ensure that older adults reentering communities have access to resources necessary to safeguard their health and safety.
Originality/value
This review presents a broad perspective of the current literature on barriers to healthy reentry for older adults in the USA and offers valuable system, program and policy recommendations to address those barriers.
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Social media platforms are highly visible platforms, so politicians try to maximize their benefits from their use, especially during election campaigns. On the other side, people…
Abstract
Purpose
Social media platforms are highly visible platforms, so politicians try to maximize their benefits from their use, especially during election campaigns. On the other side, people express their views and sentiments toward politicians and political issues on social media, thus enabling them to observe their online political behavior. Therefore, this study aims to investigate user reactions on social media during the 2016 US presidential campaign to decide which candidate invoked stronger emotions on social media.
Design/methodology/approach
For testing the proposed hypotheses regarding emotional reactions to social media content during the 2016 presidential campaign, regression analysis was used to analyze a data set that consists of Trump’s 996 posts and Clinton’s 1,253 posts on Facebook. The proposed regression models are based on viral (likes, shares, comments) and emotional Facebook reactions (Angry, Haha, Sad, Surprise, Wow) as well as Russell’s valence, arousal, dominance (VAD) circumplex model for valence, arousal and dominance.
Findings
The results of regression analysis indicate how Facebook users felt about both presidential candidates. For Clinton’s page, both positive and negative content are equally liked, while Trump’s followers prefer funny and positive emotions. For both candidates, positive and negative content influences the number of comments. Trump’s followers mostly share positive content and the content that makes them angry, while Clinton’s followers share any content that does not make them angry. Based on VAD analysis, less dominant content, with high arousal and more positive emotions, is more liked on Trump’s page, where valence is a significant predictor for commenting and sharing. More positive content is more liked on Clinton’s page, where both positive and negative emotions with low arousal are correlated to commenting and sharing of posts.
Originality/value
Building on an empirical data set from Facebook, this study shows how differently the presidential candidates communicated on social media during the 2016 election campaign. According to the findings, Trump used a hard campaign strategy, while Clinton used a soft strategy.
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Marte Mangset, Fredrik Engelstad, Mari Teigen and Trygve Gulbrandsen
Critiques of elites define populism, which conceives of power relations as a unified, conspiring elite exploiting the good people. Yet, populism itself is inherently elitist…
Abstract
Critiques of elites define populism, which conceives of power relations as a unified, conspiring elite exploiting the good people. Yet, populism itself is inherently elitist, calling for a strong leader to take power and channel the will of the people. Elite theory, surprisingly overlooked in scholarship on populism, can clarify this apparent paradox and elucidate the dimensions of populism and its risk of authoritarianism in new ways. In contrast to populist ideological conceptions of power relations in society, elite theory points to the possibility that several elites with diverging voices and interests exist. Furthermore, elite theorists argue that such elite pluralism is a necessary component of a well-functioning democracy. Much scholarship on populism, often aiming to understand its causes and focussing on Western Europe and North America, points to the similarities of populist movements. The focus on similarities strengthens the understanding of populism as a uniform phenomenon and populist elite critiques as homogeneous. However, broader comparative studies show that different populist movements target a range of various elite groups. Indeed, the empirical reality of populist elite critiques targeting diverse elite groups is more in line with elite theory than populist ideological conceptions of power relations in society. A key to grasping the democratic challenges posed by the power relations between elites and masses in both populist critiques and populist solutions is an understanding of the institutional conditions for elite integration versus elite pluralism. This central discussion in both classical and modern elite theory is applied to analyse populism in this contribution.
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This paper aims to contend that populism is damaging to both domestic and international politics; not only does it erode liberal democracy in established democracies but also…
Abstract
Purpose
This paper aims to contend that populism is damaging to both domestic and international politics; not only does it erode liberal democracy in established democracies but also fuels authoritarianism in despotic regimes and aggravates conflicts and crises in international system.
Design/methodology/approach
The research is divided into two main sections. First, it examines how populist mobilization affects liberal democracy, and refutes the claims that populism is beneficial and reinforcing to democracy. Second, it attempts to demonstrate how populism is damaging to domestic politics (by undermining liberal democracy and supporting authoritarianism) as well as international relations (by making interstate conflicts more likely to materialize). Theoretically, populism is assumed to be a strategy used by politicians to maximize their interest. Hence, populism is a strategy used by politicians to mobilize constituents using the main features of populist discourse.
Findings
The research argues that populism has detrimental consequences on both domestic and international politics; it undermines liberal democracy in democratic countries, upsurges authoritarianism in autocratic regimes and heightens the level of conflict and crises in international politics. Populism can lead to authoritarianism. There is one major undemocratic trait shared by all populist waves around the world, particularly democracies; that is anti-pluralism/anti-institutions. Populist leaders perceive foreign policy as the continuation of domestic politics, because they consider themselves as the only true representatives of the people. Therefore, populist actors abandon any political opposition as necessarily illegitimate, with repercussions on foreign policy.
Originality/value
Some scholars argue that populism reinforces democracy by underpinning its ability to include marginalized sectors of the society and to decrease voter apathy, the research refuted these arguments. Populism is destructive to world democracy; populists are reluctant to embrace the idea of full integration with other nations. Populists reject the idea of open borders, and reckon it an apparent threat to their national security. The research concludes that populists consider maximizing their national interests on the international level by following confrontational policies instead of cooperative ones.
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Andrzej Szymkowiak, Marcin Adam Antoniak and Barbara Borusiak
The objective of the study is to explain how health orientation influences attitude towards paying attention to nutrition claims (NCs), intention to pay attention to NCs, and…
Abstract
Purpose
The objective of the study is to explain how health orientation influences attitude towards paying attention to nutrition claims (NCs), intention to pay attention to NCs, and willingness to buy products containing NCs.
Design/methodology/approach
In the first study, conducted amongst 770 respondents using the CAWI (Computer-Assisted Web Interview) method, the authors investigated the role of health orientation in explaining intention to pay attention to NCs and willingness to buy products with NCs. The theory of planned behaviour was used as the main theoretical framework. In the second online experiment, carried out amongst 485 respondents, the impact of health orientation on attitude towards the label containing NC and on NC product purchase intention was studied.
Findings
The authors revealed that health orientation plays a significant (direct and indirect) role in explaining attitude towards paying attention to NCs, and intention to pay attention to NCs, as well as NC product purchase intention.
Originality/value
Health orientation appeared to be an important determinant of selecting products with NCs. Consumers' intent to choose products containing claims is mainly determined according to their attitudes driven by health orientation and outcome expectancy. Consequently, intention to pay attention to NCs is strongly related to intention to buy products containing claims.
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Tarek Eldomiaty, Yasmeen Saeed, Rasha Hammam and Salma AboulSoud
This paper aims to examine the effect of both inflation rate and interest rate on stock prices using quarterly data on non-financial firms listed in DJIA30 and NASDAQ100 for the…
Abstract
Purpose
This paper aims to examine the effect of both inflation rate and interest rate on stock prices using quarterly data on non-financial firms listed in DJIA30 and NASDAQ100 for the period 1999-2016. The stock duration model is used to measure the sensitivity in variations in inflation rates and interest rates on stock prices.
Design/methodology/approach
The authors use standard statistical tools that include Johansen cointegration test, linearity, normality tests, cointegration regression, Granger causality and vector error correction model.
Findings
The results of panel Johansen cointegration analysis show that cointegration exists between the stock prices, the changes in stock prices due to inflation rates and the changes in stock prices due to real interest rates. The results of cointegration regression show that inflation rates are negatively associated with stock prices, the real interest rates and stock prices are positively associated, changes in real interest rates and inflation rates Granger cause significant changes in stock prices, significant speed of adjustment to long run equilibrium between observed stock prices and real interest rates and significant speed of adjustment to long run equilibrium between changes in stock prices due to real interest rates and changes in inflation rates.
Originality/value
This paper contributes to the empirical literature in three ways. The paper examines the effects of inflation and interest rates on stock prices differently from other related studies by separating inflation from real interest rates. The paper examines the causality between stock prices, interest and inflation rates. This paper offers significant updated validity to extended literature that a negative association exists between stock prices and inflation rates. This validity can be considered as an existence a theory of stock prices, inflation rates and interest rates.
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Ming Cheng, Olalekan Adekola, JoClarisse Albia and Sanfa Cai
Employability is a key concept in higher education. Graduate employment rate is often used to assess the quality of university provision, despite that employability and employment…
Abstract
Purpose
Employability is a key concept in higher education. Graduate employment rate is often used to assess the quality of university provision, despite that employability and employment are two different concepts. This paper will increase the understandings of graduate employability through interpreting its meaning and whose responsibility for graduate employability from the perspectives of four key stakeholders: higher education institutions, students, government and employers.
Design/methodology/approach
There are two stages to this literature review which was undertaken across bibliographic databases. The first stage builds a conceptual understanding of employability, relating to definition and how employability can be achieved and enhanced from the perspective of stakeholders. A structured search employing Boolean searches was conducted using a range of terms associated with key stakeholders. The second round of review drew on documentary analysis of official statements, declarations, documents, reports and position papers issued by key stakeholders in the UK, available online.
Findings
It reveals that responsibility for employability has been transferred by the UK government to higher education institutions, despite clear evidence that it needs to be shared by all the key stakeholders to be effective. In addition, there is a gap between employers' expectation for employability and the government's employability agenda.
Originality/value
This article highlights that solely using employment rate statistics as a key indicator for employability will encourage the practice of putting employers' needs above knowledge creation and the development of academic disciplines, with the consequence that higher education will become increasingly vocation driven.
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