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As scholars, educators and policymakers recognize the impact of partnership-based research, there is a growing need for more in-depth understanding of how to conduct this…
As scholars, educators and policymakers recognize the impact of partnership-based research, there is a growing need for more in-depth understanding of how to conduct this work, especially with and in diverse project teams. The purpose of this paper is to provide a critical examination of adopting a culturally disruptive approach in a research–practice partnership (RPP) that includes Indigenous and non-Indigenous researchers, designers and educators who worked together to collaboratively design culturally situated experiences for sixth graders.
Following a design-based implementation research methodology, data from design and implementation are presented as two case studies to illustrate key findings.
Leveraging the frame of culturally disruptive pedagogy, key tensions, disruptions, self-discoveries and resulting pedagogical innovations are outlined. While the authors experienced multiple forms of disruptions as researchers, designers and educators, they focused on tracing two powerful cases of how culturally disruptive research directly and immediately resulted in pedagogical innovations. Together the cases illustrate a broader shift toward interdependence that the team experienced over the course of the school year.
A new frame for conducting culturally disruptive research is presented. Both the theoretical application and practical implementation of this frame demonstrate its usefulness in conceptualizing culturally situated research through cultivating an uncomfortable yet generative interdependence.
Findings include examples and strategies for how to practically conduct multi-sector, interdisciplinary research and teaching. Scholars and educators share their stories which illustrate the practical impact of this work.
Critical insights presented in this paper build on and contribute to the growing body of work around RPPs, community-based research and other critical partnership methods.
The purpose of this paper is to highlight the use of small river ferries as an under-researched but novel mode of travel which enhances and brings new dimensions to…
The purpose of this paper is to highlight the use of small river ferries as an under-researched but novel mode of travel which enhances and brings new dimensions to tourist experiences of travelling landscapes.
The study used a mixed methods approach including participant observation, a survey and interviews with ferry users and staff at one river crossing in South West England.
The ferry attracts tourists as a different and practical mode of transport. The river crossing provides an experience of being on water, and the material structure of the ferry significantly shapes on-board interactions whilst providing new perspectives of place.
This article draws on data collected for a study of ferry crossings conducted at three sites in Devon and Cornwall, England, using multiple methods. The material presented in this article focuses on one site and draws on four interviews, twelve reflection cards and observations.
The research highlighted the extent to which the ferry is dependent on tourist use. At the same time, it reveals the extent to which the crossing enriches the tourist experience and celebrates a ferry’s contribution to local place-making.
The majority of research on ferry crossings focuses on commuter experiences, marine crossings and larger passenger vessels. This article makes an original contribution to literature on ferries, as it offers a perspective on tourist experiences of river ferry crossings, reveals how the ferry structure influences interrelations on-board and provides distinctive insights into place through a focus on movement across water.
The Corporation of the City of London are about to appoint a Public Analyst, and by advertisement have invited applications for the post. It is obviously desirable that the person appointed to this office should not only possess the usual professional qualifications, but that he should be a scientific man of high standing and of good repute, whose name would afford a guarantee of thoroughness and reliability in regard to the work entrusted to him, and whose opinion would carry weight and command respect. Far from being of a nature to attract a man of this stamp, the terms and conditions attaching to the office as set forth in the advertisement above referred to are such that no self‐respecting member of the analytical profession, and most certainly no leading member of it, could possibly accept them. It is simply pitiable that the Corporation of the City of London should offer terms, and make conditions in connection with them, which no scientific analyst could agree to without disgracing himself and degrading his profession. The offer of such terms, in fact, amounts to a gross insult to the whole body of members of that profession, and is excusable only—if excusable at all—on the score of utter ignorance as to the character of the work required to be done, and as to the nature of the qualifications and attainments of the scientific experts who are called upon to do it. In the analytical profession, as in every other profession, there are men who, under the pressure of necessity, are compelled to accept almost any remuneration that they can get, and several of these poorer, and therefore weaker, brethren will, of course, become candidates for the City appointment.
A distinction must be drawn between a dismissal on the one hand, and on the other a repudiation of a contract of employment as a result of a breach of a fundamental term of that contract. When such a repudiation has been accepted by the innocent party then a termination of employment takes place. Such termination does not constitute dismissal (see London v. James Laidlaw & Sons Ltd (1974) IRLR 136 and Gannon v. J. C. Firth (1976) IRLR 415 EAT).
“OF making many books there is no end,” said the Preacher, and since his day this fact has been reiterated successively by men all down the ages. Consequent upon the ever increasing number of books was the necessity of providing adequate storage for their preservation and use, and to meet this need libraries were founded. To facilitate reference to the books, catalogues were compiled and provided, but these were generally made by private individuals, who, though they would doubtless make a few rules for their guidance, had not the advantage of working upon any codified rules that had stood the test of experience.
The most obvious symptom of the most obvious trend in the building of new libraries is the fact that, as yet, no spade has entered the ground of the site on Euston Road, London, upon which the new building for the British Library Reference Division has to be erected. Some twenty years of continued negotiation and discussion finally resulted in the choice of this site. The UK and much more of the world awaits with anticipation what could and should be the major building library of the twentieth century. The planning and design of a library building, however large or small, is, relatively speaking, a major operation, and deserves time, care and patience if the best results are to be produced.
Provides a brief outline of the background of British Book TradeHistory studies as an introduction to the establishment of the BritishBook Trade Index within the relevant…
Provides a brief outline of the background of British Book Trade History studies as an introduction to the establishment of the British Book Trade Index within the relevant library of the University of Newcastle upon Tyne. This is a computerized index of the names and brief biographical and trade details of all those who worked in the book trade in England and Wales, starting work prior to 1851. Discusses the conduct and present state of the project, as well as its uses.
The people of the Union of South Africa have established on a sound and satisfactory basis the beginnings of what we hope and believe will develop in due course into a very great industry of fruit canning. The industry already meets the demands of the home market, but the people of South Africa are not great eaters of canned fruit, and about 60 per cent. of the total production is at present exported mainly to this country. The growth of the canned and bottled fruit industry has been exceedingly rapid, the output having steadily risen from about 1,500,000 lbs. in 1916–17 to over 7½ million lbs. in 1929–30. The fruit has attained a deservedly high reputation. The Fruit Export Control Acts of 1914, 1925, and 1929 are concerned in maintaining the high standard for fresh fruit, and cooperation among fruit growers themselves is a second important factor. Both of these exert an indirect but favourable influence on the fruit canning industry. It is hardly necessary to mention the physical influences which so greatly aid production of first‐class fruit. In the south‐west of the Cape Province, for example, rains are distributed. Excellent soil and bright sunlight does the rest. In spite of what has just been said, the development of the canned fruit industry has not proceeded as rapidly as might have been expected. An increase of five hundred per cent. in production in the course of fifteen years is excellent, but the value of the last figure quoted is but 156 thousand pounds sterling. It would be unfair perhaps to point out that this is but one‐tenth of the value of fresh fruit exported from the Union during the same period. Fresh fruit is the staple article of the export trade, and is likely to remain so. It is, however, but half the value of the dried fruits and two‐fifths that of the jam production of the Union. Perhaps the reasons for this relatively lower development of the canned fruit industry in South Africa at the present time is to be found in the fact that the people of South Africa are not great eaters of canned fruits, nor are they ever likely to be. In so saying, not the slightest reflection of an unfavourable kind is thrown on the canned fruit of South Africa, but the fact remains and will ever do so that so long as people are able to readily obtain an abundant supply of cheap and good fresh fruit—and the people of South Africa are in this happy position—they will turn to the orchard rather than the tin. It appears then that South Africa's market for canned fruit is the overseas market, and this as the canned fruit trade develops will claim an ever greater proportion of the canned fruit. However, the drop in prices and drop in demand in the world's markets has unfavourably affected every commodity, and canned fruit is no exception. Fruit canneries have already been established at Durban, Port Elizabeth, Cape Town—this last‐named port being the outlet for the wonderfully rich fruit grounds of the south‐west district of the Cape Province—at Paarl, Worcester, and other places. Last autumn a new cannery was established at Belleville, Cape Colony, with a present daily capacity it has been stated of 30,000 cans and a future possible output of 150,000 per day. Some five hundred fruit growers in the district are interested. It has been officially stated that over‐production and insufficient means of transport and distribution has led to great wastage of raw fruits in certain districts, so much so in fact that in many cases the fruit was not even gathered but left to rot on the ground, as transport costs were prohibitive. This is where the cannery “comes in.” Assuming an excess of the right kinds of fruit, existing markets can be supplied and new markets — for example, the Far Eastern markets—developed. The United States has at present a very considerable proportion of the world's markets. In 1931 the total imports of canned fruit into Great Britain amounted to 2,198,000 cases, and out of these the United States sent 1,888,000, Canada 25,000, Australia 109,000, and South Africa 5,000, or about quarter per cent. There seem to be no special regulations governing the trade. The Acts already referred to control the fresh fruit market. The Weights and Measures Act states that the name and address of the manufacturer and the nett weight of the contents shall be stated on the label of can or package, but the elaborated regulations of the United States and Canada have, at present at least, no counterpart in South Africa. The reason for this may be that the overseas trade in canned fruit is at present comparatively small when compared with that of certain other countries, and trade competition has not at present become particularly acute. This and the home market would seem to be controlled so far as the purity of the products is concerned by the Act, No. 13, of 1929, and the Regulations framed under sections 13, 14, 19, 33 and 44 of this Act.
The African Caribbean Library Association's (ACLA) current Chair is Gloria Lock of Wandsworth Libraries. I interviewed her recently about the Association — the results of which are reproduced here with her consent.