Search results

Drawing on interviews with men and women gun carriers, this paper considers the intersection of femininity and guns. It argues that two sets of expectations shape the normative relationship between women and guns: First, armed women are a blind spot in feminist discourse, which tends to reproduce the “pacifist presumption” that women are nonviolent caretakers and peacemakers. Second, contemporary pro-gun discourse often bases women’s gun carry within their duties and obligations as mothers in a form of “martial maternalism.” Inflected with a post-feminist appropriation of rights and equality, this pro-gun discourse reproduces gender binaries through a discourse of gender inclusivity. Following previous analyses that emphasize the contradictory politics of gender in conservative spaces, my analysis emphasizes how the gendered politics of guns is sustained by multiple, though not necessarily shared, understandings of women’s guns by men and women within American gun culture.

Social movements experience periods of intense activity and periods of abeyance, when collective action is very weak because of an inhospitable political climate. Non-democracies are extreme cases of hostile political environments for social movements. Drawing on a case study of the women’s movement in Franco’s Spain (mid-1930s to 1975) based on an analysis of published documents and 17 interviews, this paper argues that some non-democracies force social movements that existed prior to dictatorships into a period of abeyance and shape collective organizing in terms of location, goals, and repertoire of activities. Some social movements under prolonged non-democratic rule manage to link and transmit the aims, repertoire of activities, and collective identity of pre-dictatorship activists to those of post-dictatorship activists. This occurs mainly through cultural activities.

Analysis of Philippine society has largely turned on the collectivist/individualist binary. Taking off from this dualism and from the notion and practice of siblingship (Aguilar, 2013). This chapter looks at two contemporary Filipino family films – Kung Ayaw Mo, Huwag Mo! (If You Don’t Want, So Be It) and Four Sisters and a Wedding. These films articulate and resolve the tensions, ambivalences, and conflicts between self and family, autonomy and dependence, and individualism and collectivism. This chapter also shows how the collectivism–individualism binary has broader political resonance, touches on the relationship between family and democracy, and proposes the family as a complementary point from which to theorize democracy in the Philippines.

This paper seeks to suggest that criteria commonly used to teach undergraduates to evaluate online resources are inadequate when dealing with non‐academic items in the public domain. It aims to argue that these resources should not be ignored by librarians or undergraduates, but that they must still be evaluated. An alternative method of evaluation, based on the concepts of comparison, corroboration, motivation and purpose is to be proposed.

Inadequacies of current evaluative standards are revealed, specifically in relation to the current context of how and where undergraduates conduct research. Drawing on Meola's contextual framework for evaluation, as well as the thoughts of Metzger, ways to handle the evaluation of non‐academic resources online emerge.

Librarians must consider the place of non‐academic public domain items in current undergraduate research projects, and the challenges these items pose to common guidelines for the evaluation of sources. Evaluation methods must be rethought and based on a more context‐specific approach in order to be relevant when working with non‐academic resources online.

Librarians who focus mainly on the “peer‐reviewed” designation or other standard evaluative criteria to help students determine what an appropriate research resource is, and who are unsure of how to guide students in their use of non‐academic public domain items, will find here suggestions to guide their thinking and inform their practices.

Gives an account of the third European Spring School on Health Education, held in Setubal, Portugal, in April 1995. The aim of the Spring School was to bring together a range of Europeans involved in health education at various levels in order to promote the concept and the development in practice of the health‐promoting school. Describes how lead responsibilities for health education vary in schools of the 31 nations present, and how political, economic and geographic factors influence the meaning and delivery of health education in different countries. Concludes that developing and adapting to changing times remains as much of a challenge for UK schools as for those across Europe.

Discusses the conditions experienced by women in the former USSR who are aspiring to or are currently occupying managerial positions. Soviet women feel the pressure of two societal forces: they are expected to work as well as to be the primary person responsible for home and family. Many complain: “We have too much equality”. Previews the statistics on women in the labour force in the former USSR, and examines seven factors affecting Soviet women′s access to managerial positions: (1) the perception of management as a masculine domain, (2) cultural constraints on women′s roles, (3) women′s roles in family life, (4) the stage of the country′s economic development, (5) social policy, (6) access to higher education and (7) organizational context. Concludes with an assessment of the prospects for Soviet women in managerial positions.

This research attempts to identify and observe emerging features of public administration (PA) in Mozambique, Africaʼs newest democracy. Mozambiqueʼs public administration has had to assume a significant role in the process of promoting sustainable human development. Public administration in the country is challenged by Napoleonic character of Constitutional arrangements for administering public policy, shortage of skilled human capital and the apparent absence of human development plans that would facilitate a more engaged civil society.