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This paper intends to explore the localist perspectives concerning Hong Kong’s political development. The persistent growth of localists in the polity of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) has not only challenged the current political order but also aroused Beijing’s national security considerations. The oath-taking controversies of 2016 demonstrated the strife that now exists between Beijing and the localists in Hong Kong. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the localists’ perceptions of the political decay, legitimacy crisis and reverse democratization in HKSAR to illuminate further their perceptions of Hong Kong’s political development.

This paper uses the theoretical discussion of the relations between political decay, legitimacy, the legitimacy crisis and reverse democratization as the key analytical framework to understand the localists’ perspective concerning Hong Kong’s political development. Based on an analysis of the localists’ discourse, the implication for the HKSAR regime’s legitimacy and for reverse democratization will be discussed.

The emergence of the new localists leads to the belief that Hong Kong’s political development is experiencing the reverse of democratization as the government cannot fully absorb the demands made by the general public. The reverse democratization is directly impacting the regime’s legitimacy, but in the HKSAR’s case, the new localists see the root of the problem as stemming from Beijing, that is that the Chinese Communist Party’s legitimacy problem is due to its underdevelopment in the legal, political and cultural spheres. This underdevelopment has weakened the legitimacy of the HKSAR’s administration, especially with regard to political reform, the legal interpretation of the Basic Law, and the influx of immigrants and tourists from the Mainland into the Hong Kong’s society. The China factor, from the Localists’ viewpoint, is at the root of the political decay and the legitimacy crisis in Hong Kong. More significantly, the localists regard the involvement of Beijing in Hong Kong’s affairs as its way to disrupt the autonomous status of the HKSAR. As a result, public discontent has further intensified and created the legitimacy crisis for the HKSAR Government.

This paper is the first academic paper to provide a critical analysis of Hong Kong’s localists’ views regarding Hong Kong’s political development since becoming the HKSAR. In contrast with the existing literature about Hong Kong’s democratization and political development, this paper introduces localists’ views and advocates the idea of “reverse democratization” to explain their perceptions concerning Hong Kong’s political development.

This theoretical paper aims to draw on existing literature to examine the case for libraries to play a key role in the democratization of Oman. This paper is intended to provide foundation for further empirical research to develop a proposed future strategy for Oman’s library sector that will help facilitate the future political and economic transition of the Sultanate.

This is a theoretical study that draws on existing literature to examine the case for libraries to play a key role in the democratization of Oman.

There are four main ways in which public libraries support democratization are identified and discussed: providing access to information, ensuring inclusivity of knowledge, forming a community hub for interaction and dialogue and promoting social inclusion through internet access.

As Oman undergoes political and economic transition, this study and the follow-on empirical research will be highly significant in ensuring that the expansion of democratic processes in Oman proceeds peacefully and that the Sultanate provides a best practice model for Islamic democracy within the Gulf Cooperation Council region and globally.

After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong and the sovereignty was transferred from Britain to China, politicization inevitably followed democratization. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the pro-democratic political parties’ politics in Hong Kong in recent history.

The research was conducted through a historical comparative analysis, within the context of Hong Kong after the sovereignty handover and the interim period of crucial democratization.

With the implementation of “One country, Two systems,” political democratization was hindered in Hong Kong’s transformation. The democratic forces have no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which has caused a decisive and ineluctable fragmentation of the local political parties.

This paper explores and evaluates the political history of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under “One country, Two systems” and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation.

The purpose of the paper is to model the human development potentials of democratization, demilitarization, industrialization, and family planning that different developing regions tap and forego.

The authors develop and estimate a human development system that is built around economic, political, and social dimensions and program a system dynamic model to simulate the effects of democratization, demilitarization, industrialization, and family planning.

The findings strongly indicate that the socioeconomic and political development effects associated with industrial development and family planning far outweigh those associated with democratization and demilitarization.

With this study the authors hope to stimulate a discussion with the goal of achieving a better understanding of the economic and political transmission mechanisms of democratization, demilitarization, industrialization, and family planning. To the authors' knowledge, this study is the first to assess these developmental parameters quantitatively in a comparative economic perspective.

This paper explores how the student movement in Taiwan transformed after the abolition of martial law. After democratization, there were three large-scale student protests, in 1990, 2008 and 2014. This paper explores the development through this period of student movement organizations, issues and interrelations between organizations and individuals.

The study of the process of transformation and development is based on an analysis of newspaper and magazine articles and books about the student movement. To provide an insider's view, magazines, statements and meeting memos written by activists are also included.

As a legacy of the student movement in the 1980s, the 1990 Wild Lily protest advocated democratization and organized a cross-school alliance. This pattern declined, however, because it proved hard to recruit participants after democratization. Instead, student activists returned to education-related issues, and the scale of student organizations remained small. The 2008 Wild Strawberry protest was carried out by autonomous, self-organized groups, which reflected the emergence of individuals as activists. Afterward, student movement organizations attempted to create multiple networks consisted of various issues and participants. These groups built solidarity by cooperating on education and political issues and became the base for the 2014 Sunflower protest.

This paper explores the rarely described historical context for the student movement between large-scale student protests in Taiwan and provides a more comprehensive understanding of the interrelation of organizations and individuals in contemporary social movements.

The purpose of this paper is to propose a theoretical framework for democratize inclusively through participatory and deliberative apparatus.

The paper draws on literature from inclusion in deliberation, gender in participation and intersectionality to critically analyze the democratic deepening. By bringing into dialogue with one another “the norm of parity of participation” (Fraser, 2006), “communicative democracy” (Young, 1993) and the “matrix of domination” (Collins, 1990) a response to one of the questions that has been put to European and North American thought in democracy since the 1960s is proposed: how is it possible to democratize inclusively?

The reproduction of domination through apparatuses for the extension of democracy is both possible and probable. So, to democratize inclusively, it is necessary to bring the theories on vertical and horizontal inclusion into dialogue with each other. With the aim of establishing a dialogue between the two, it is necessary to export complex thought regarding oppression and inequality into the design of deliberative and participatory apparatuses. For that, consider that designing democratization processes based on the fact that the intersectional experience of oppression is not an exception but rather an everyday occurrence allows participatory procedures to be made more inclusive.

This paper proposes a tool designed with a focus on dialogue among the norm of parity of participation, communicative democracy and the matrix of oppression, based on 11 direct questions for the inclusive design of deliberative or participatory procedures. Facilitators, experts and social agents involved in deliberative or participatory processes will be able to use this question-based instrument in their work.

This paper has applied value because it offers a conceptual key to the design of and thought about participatory inclusive processes. The originality of this approach lies in its shift away from partial analyses of horizontal and vertical inclusion. It is of use both to facilitators of participatory processes and educators and researchers concerned with democratization. It offers an instrument for working on reflexivity with regard to inclusion in democratic extension, based on a series of key questions that can be used as a checklist. In comparison with other forms of considering inclusion in democracy, the proposal considered includes complex thought on oppression based on the critique of simple identity, as well as on an intersectional perspective.

This paper aims to make a theoretical critique of the revolutionary sociocultural transformations created by e‐learning in the manner knowledge is created, codified, retrieved, managed and transmitted across the boundaries of different cultures.

The structure of these transformations remains European and North American in orientation and very cautious in sharing the benefits of e‐learning with the developing societies. The paper contends that this might lead to a parallel academic bureaucracy of e‐learning institutions, alongside the traditional Western universities, making it economically hard for people of developing countries to participate in this great and new found experience of learning. The paper proposes a, “democratization of knowledge,” for this new venture of e‐learning. This rests on the premise, that e‐learning, in order to be truly effective, must be multilingual in content and context, culturally divergent, morally relativistic and technologically sharing and integrate non‐Western views on knowledge, morality, economics and politics, especially in curriculum designs.

The paper demonstrates that the social democratization of knowledge can lead to the establishment of viable global civil society, helping millions in Asia, Africa and South America to contribute and share the fruits of knowledge explosion in a just, equitable and honorable fashion.

The paper shows how e‐learning can help the growth and improvement of less developed communities.

The aim of this paper is to examine the impact of frugal innovation in the fields of livelihood provision, education, infrastructure, and distribution networks on state-building in countries where a significant proportion of the population lives at the base of the pyramid (BoP).

The paper reviews the literature on frugal innovation, democratization and state-building, offers practical examples in support of the conceptual arguments, and provides research propositions for empirical assessment.

The paper provides support for the notion that the creation of more inclusive markets through frugal innovation contributes to socio-economic development, which in turn strengthens democratization and state-building.

Multinational corporations can have a positive impact on democratization by offering for-profit products and services to serve BoP markets.

The paper provides novel insights into the role that frugal innovation plays in state-building and democratization.

This paper aims to analyze the “crafts” of governance within social and solidarity economy (SSE) cultural organizations, considering formal and informal rules, to support their project of democratization of arts and culture and more generally of cultural democracy. The hypothesis is that it is through participatory and democratic governance that SSE can have a transformative role.

This paper builds upon a qualitative, multiple case study of three SSE organizations in the performing arts and audiovisual production in France. Although different in age, size and legal form, they all experiment a more participative governance system, not without tensions, to face deep institutional changes in their environment.

The results show that legal forms from the SSE are necessary safeguards but not sufficient to effectively implement a democratic governance beyond the “one member, one vote” principle. Democratic governance is supported by both formal and informal rules. By experimenting with innovative participative and democratic governance rules, these organizations contribute to the transformation of practices in the cultural field (democratization of art and culture) but also in society at large by fostering cultural democracy.

Building upon three case studies, this exploratory work stresses important issues that are worth to explore on a larger scale to understand by which levers SSE can play a transformative role in the cultural field.

This paper contributes to the literature on SSE and on governance by enlarging the analysis beyond the board of directors and the statutory rules. Applying the approach of collective action and reasonable values developed by Commons to SSE, it shows that participatory governance cannot be based on an ideal or a choice of preestablished values and principles but must leave room for creativity and representations of stakeholders not only to support transformation of practices within the cultural field but also externally by increasing cultural democracy.

The article aims to use the globalization theory and the implications of democratization for social policy to analyze the school governance reforms in Taiwan and South Korea.

The article describes the main features of decentralization policy in the school sectors in the two societies with a historical review of their democratic transition and educational reforms during the 1990s. It then classifies decentralization into two categories, namely managerial decentralization and societal decentralization, by conceptualizing their context, rationales and policy instruments. It closes by considering the implications of Taiwan's and South Korea's experiences for educational decentralization and education reforms.

It is found that in Taiwan there is a comprehensive and institutionalized empowerment of teachers and parents but full institutionalization of involvement of the school community is still in progress in South Korea.

This article reviews and compares the development and major changes of school governance in Taiwan and South Korea.