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China has been exceptionally competent at utilising the technology of others but the ability to develop its own is yet to be tested. The purpose of this paper is to investigate China's capacity for nurturing radical technology. For China to recapture its earlier technological prowess it will need a creative class. The paper proposes eight stepping stones for China to move from its current situation to a position where creativity and radical technology re‐emerge.

This is a conceptual paper that investigates options for China using a historical and trans‐disciplinary review.

Radical technology was a major strength for China prior to the 1500s. This paper suggests that China's subsequent demise in the technology stakes came from a combination of factors including regressive policies and the West finding a new politico‐economic model around science and technology. In total, eight stepping stones for Chinese institutional reform around creativity and radical technology are proposed.

Chinese businesses need to go much further than cost innovations and incremental additions to seriously challenge the creative capacity of their Western counterparts. This paper offers important insights for Chinese policy makers as they embark on innovation advancement in a highly competitive international business environment.

Fostering radical technology is a challenge for any society. Developing this aspect of Chinese society is a critical element for China and its policy makers as they progress to the next phase of economic growth.

The paper shows that identifying systemic issues for China's radical technology demise is important. Offering steps for China to increase its capacity for radical technology is equally worthy of investigation.

This chapter provides a brief overview of community sanctions in Australia and examines the extent to which McNeill’s analysis in Pervasive Punishment (2019) is applicable in the Australian context. Two key issues in the Australian context are, firstly, state and territory-level variations within a federal political structure, and secondly, disproportionate Indigenous imprisonment and community sanction rates and the generally destructive impact of the criminal legal system on Indigenous communities and peoples. The chapter argues that developing a better agonistic politics around community sanctions requires descending from the broad level of historical and sociological analysis to examine state and territory-level variations in judicial and correctional structures, histories and cultures. Further, that Australian community sanctions cannot be understood without a primary focus on the differences between Indigenous and non-Indigenous rates, experiences and meaning. The key to addressing the destructive impact of criminal legal processes and practices on Indigenous peoples lies in developing Indigenous governance, empowerment, self-determination, sovereignty and nation-building. Two recent developments promoting Indigenous governance are examined: the Uluru Statement from the Heart and Justice Reinvestment projects initiated by First Nations communities, highlighting the importance of activism, contest and struggle by community organisations.