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The conflict in Darfur reached crisis proportions in 2003 when rebel groups began to attack Government of Sudan forces. These attacks were motivated by years of neglect by the government and by political polarization of the area. Despite ceasefires and peace talks, the violence continues in 2018. This essay examined the crisis in Darfur from the perspective of social structure. Three social structures were identified: global climate change, race, and gender. Although there are significant complexities associated with these three social structures, possible paths to agency for the people of Darfur are discussed.

The aim of this article is to provide an analysis of the features that have shaped the state's decision‐making process in the United Nations, with regard to the humanitarian intervention in Darfur from 2003 onwards.

The methodological approach to the study is a review of political statement papers grounded in the concept of “humanitarian imperialism” and a “responsibility to protect”.

It was found out that the decision‐making process, leading to humanitarian interventions in Darfur was shaped by a larger extent by the states' own national interests and to a smaller extent by humanitarian considerations.

The main implications of this paper are that the United Nations are not the right platform when it comes to humanitarian interventions that should be placed on humanitarian grounds. Therefore, nation states are strongly advised to accept their leading role in international politics and to realise their responsibility to protect foreign citizens in humanitarian catastrophes.

This paper will have an effect on the way humanitarian interventions and “humanitarian motives” can be seen in society and will suggest that in some situations it is advised to take a more realist approach towards humanitarian interventions.

This paper is valuable for further analysis of political decision‐making processes and learning processes within politics.

Women in Africa increasingly bear greater burden of conflicts in which they rarely contribute to the outbreak. Historically, the Geneva Convention of 1949 and their Additional Protocol of 1977 acknowledge women as the most vulnerable members of the population and explicitly contain special measures to protect women during armed conflicts. Rape and sexual violence continue at an alarming rate in the ongoing genocide in Darfur. Rapes and other forms of sexual violence are being used as weapons of war to humiliate, punish, control, inflict fear, and displace women and their communities. These acts constitute grave violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, including war crimes against humanity. It should be noted that African women face shelling, famine, epidemics, forced displacement, detention, torture and execution like other civilians caught up in the maelstrom of war. Mass rapes in Darfur effectively terrorize women, break their will, and destroy the fabric of the society. Rape also has serious economic and social consequences in Darfurian society by making the victims ineligible for marriage and ostracized by the community and the family members. The economic and political implications of war are also noticeable in the way women that are internally displaced (IDPs) and refugees are being forced to exchange sexual favors in desperation for goods and services by the Sudanese security forces, including police deployed to protect them. It is pertinent to note that documented cases of rape or sexual violence in war time only represent the tip of the iceberg. In war and also during peace time, the stigma associated with rape and the victim's self-blame mean that the vast majority of cases go unreported. Therefore, sympathetic care and counseling for victims are essential to regain their self-esteem, dignity, and to facilitate their reintegration into society and family life. There should be greater recognition of the scourge of sexual violence, as well as public condemnation, with strict enforcement of existing national and international laws.