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The literature on terrorism suggests a strong link between criminal offending and terrorism – the crime-terror nexus. Building upon a strain theory perspective, the purpose of this paper is to suggest that devalued socio-economic status (i.e. limited education and unemployment) and criminal past define the pool of people from which violent and terror offenders may be recruited.

The current study compares three sources of data on educational and employment characteristics of violent and terror offenders: Dutch statistical data (CBS) including the Police Recognition System (HKS) on violent criminals, the findings on jihadist networks and the open access on European terrorists.

The majority of Dutch violent offenders, foreign fighters and European terrorists have only completed secondary school (or lower) and were unemployed in the year of offending. Half of recent European terrorists had previously been involved in violent crimes and/or had joined jihadi groups abroad.

One limitation of the study concerns the exploratory use of secondary and open-access data. While it was impossible to establish causality with the current methodology, these findings highlight the background conditions under which violent and terrorist crime can originate, and suggest one of the mechanisms that shapes the crime-terror nexus. Future research would benefit from more work identifying the causal antecedents to terrorism.

Whether relative deprivation is a direct cause or merely an amplifying factor in criminal motivation needs to be scrutinized in future research. However, its consideration may have great implications for policy and law enforcement agencies.

An individual’s desire to improve status and personal significance by the virtue of illegal activity may be particularly salient in the context of cultural polarization, which manifests as decreased trust and loyalty toward national laws and institutions. Parallel to preventive and security measures, it may be worthwhile to encourage multicultural associations and community networks in support of mutual (interethnic and interreligious) understanding.

The paper explores one of the oldest factors that has been suspected of leading to terrorism in lack of economic or educational opportunity. However, the paper also offers a new perspective on how these factors may relate to participation in terrorism. Rather than claiming these factors directly cause terrorism, the authors take a strain theory perspective to argue that these strains induce fewer opportunities to engage in terrorism and provide individuals with the skills/strength to resist de-radicalization or counter-radicalization.

The purpose of this paper is to consider historical shifts in the mobilisation of the concept of radical in relation to Australian schooling.

Two texts composed at two distinct points in a 40-year period in Australia relating to radicalism and education are strategically juxtaposed. These texts are: the first issue of the Radical Education Dossier (RED, 1976), and the Attorney General Department’s publication Preventing Violent Extremism and Radicalisation in Australia (PVERA, 2015). The analysis of the term radical in these texts is influenced by Raymond Williams’s examination of particular keywords in their historical and contemporary contexts.

Across these two texts, radical is deployed as adjective for a process of interrogating structured inequalities of the economy and employment, and as individualised noun attached to the “vulnerable” young person.

Reading the first issue of RED alongside the PVERA text suggests the consequences of the reconstitution of the role of schools, teachers and the re-positioning of certain young people as “vulnerable”. The juxtaposition of these two texts surfaces contemporary patterns of the therapeutisation of political concerns.

A methodological contribution is offered to historical sociological analyses of shifts and continuities of the role of the school in relation to society.

This paper aims to analyze and compare attitudes and perceptions of Muslim leadership toward society and politics based on their personal experiences in England and the Netherlands.

This study provides valuable insights into how Muslim leadership experiences socio-political realities from own perspectives. The comparative analysis of Muslim leadership in England and the Netherlands highlights the unique qualities of each community, while also demonstrating shared communal awareness regarding political participation and concerns regarding the rise of Islamophobia and populism.

The study reveals significant differences between Dutch and British Muslim leadership regarding attitudes toward politics. While the Dutch political system enables minorities to have political parties, British leaders prefer peaceful resistance, internal cooperation and voting power for influence. Muslim communities in both countries face similar challenges, such as access to politics, rising Islamophobia and populism. However, there are variations in leadership maturity and attitudes toward communal unification and political participation.

Especially Dutch Muslims were much more open toward cooperation once approached. The biggest challenge was to get into the Muslim communities in England. Even though British Muslims showed a much greater aptitude toward their civic duties, British Muslims were much more careful and wished that interviews were written down instead of being recorded. But once the author was part of the community, community leaders were more accepting and tolerant towards the author's presence. From that point on, to be recommended (snowballing) became easier.

This research shows clearly how different ethnic Muslim communities differ across two different countries. Even though both countries have their own advantages and disadvantages, understanding how civic responsibilities and the progressive development of minority attitudes can be best approached is important to policymakers.

One major social implication is the way minorities perceive social and political equality and how these minority expectations can be met. Research shows that there is much fear and anxiety to growing sentiments of populism and right-wing appraisals. For a better integration and inclusion, a sound assessment of social and religious expectations is crucial.

As far as the author knows, there are no qualitative research studies that compare Muslim minority conditions in the Netherlands and England. This research makes this even more interesting for how to create policy that contributes to a European understanding of Muslim existence in Europe and a common European identity. This is crucial for a more stable and stronger European future.

This paper considers the dark side of organisational effectiveness and the processes by which and organisation can move into a state of crisis. The paper sets out a series of arguments around the relationships between people and processes and the manner in which they contribute to the incubation of crises within organisations. The purpose of this paper is to provide an introduction to many of the issues that are raised in this issue of the journal and calls for more research that explores the relationships between effectiveness and failure.

The paper draws upon a range of literatures to set out the case for considering the negative aspects that surround organisational attempts at achieving effectiveness. In particular, it considers the role of both people and processes in a symbiotic relationship within the incubation of crisis. The paper highlights the importance of innovative practices in bypassing organisational controls.

The paper outlines issues around management practices that serve to focus the attention of practitioners on the ways in which they can contribute inadvertently to the failure of the organisation. In particular, it highlights some of the potential vulnerabilities that can exist within the organisation and which, if unchecked, will result in failure.

The paper highlights the need for further research within the field of organisational effectiveness around the ways in which crises can be incubated as part of the normal processes around effective working.

This paper aims to examine the shift away from the traditional distinction between organised crime and terrorist groups towards their conceptual convergence under the crime-terror nexus narrative in the context of international security and development policy in post-Soviet Central Asia. It assesses the empirical basis for the crime-terror and state-crime nexus in three Central Asian countries – Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan – and argues that the exclusion of the state from the analytical framework undermines the relevance of the crime-terror paradigm for policy-making.

This paper draws on a literature review of academic research, recent case studies highlighting new empirical evidence in Central Asia and international policy publications.

There is a weak empirical connection between organised crime and Islamic extremists, such as the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan and Hizbut Tahrir, in Central Asia. The state-crime paradigm, including concepts of criminal capture, criminal sovereignty and criminal penetration, hold more explanatory power for international policy in Central Asia. The crime-terror paradigm has resulted in a narrow and ineffective security-oriented law enforcement approach to counter-narcotics and counter-terrorism but does not address the underlying weak state governance structures and political grievances that motivate organised crime and terrorist groups respectively.

International policy and scholarship is currently focussed on the areas of convergence between organised crime and terrorist groups. This paper highlights the continued relevance of the traditional conceptual separation of terrorist and organised crime groups based on their different motives, methods and relationship with the state, for security and democratic governance initiatives in the under-researched Central Asian region.

The purpose of this paper is to unveil the main changes in the UAE’s policy towards Iran since its foundation in 1971. The UAE favored strategic hedging, extending its commercial and diplomatic relations with Iran, in addition to developing its military capabilities and maintaining military/security alliances with Saudi Arabia and the USA. However, the UAE started to reorient its policy towards Iran by adopting some sort of balancing strategy in the aftermath of the Arab Spring of 2011. This paper examines how and why the UAE had to change course and explores whether it would revert back to strategic hedging with Iran.

The study will be carried out based on a theoretical framework drawn from strategic hedging theory, a new structural theory in international relations, to examine the shifts in UAE policy towards Iran. Previous literature suggests that small states prefer hedging over balancing or bandwagoning. The authors also undertake a descriptive analysis and deploy a longitudinal within-case method to investigate changes in UAE policy towards Iran and identify the causal mechanisms behind these changes. That method allows investigating the impact of a particular event on a case by comparing the same case before and after that event occurred.

The main finding of this study is that the UAE hedging strategy towards Iran allowed maximizing the political and economic returns from the cooperation with Iran and mitigating the long-range national security risks without breaking up the consistent and beneficial ties with other regional and global powers. Hedging achieved the desired outcome, which is preventing direct military confrontation with Iran. Hard balancing, adopted by Abu Dhabi after the 2011 Arab Spring, has proved to have some negative effects, most importantly provoking Tehran. Some recent indicators suggest, though that the UAE may revert back to its long-established hedging policy towards Iran.

Strategic hedging is a new structural theory in international relation, although hedging behavior in states’ foreign policies is far from new. It is new enough, thus, not have been researched sufficiently, strategic hedging still needs theorizing and comparison. This paper highlights the importance of strategic hedging as the most appropriate strategy for small states. It provides an important contribution to the application of the theory to the case of UAE policy towards Iran. The paper also assesses the conventional wisdom that small states prefer hedging over balancing in the light of the changes in the UAE foreign policy since 2011.

This paper aims to present an analysis of a “county lines” safeguarding partnership in a large city region of England. A critical analysis of current literature and practice responses to “county lines” is followed by the presentation of an analytical framework that draws on three contextual and social theories of (child) harm. This framework is applied to the partnership work to ask: are the interconnected conditions of criminal exploitation of children via “county lines” understood?; do interventions target the contexts of harm?; and is social and institutional harm acknowledged and addressed?

The analytical framework is applied to a data set collected by the author throughout a two-year study of the “county lines” partnership. Qualitative data collected by the author and quantitative data published by the partnership are coded and thematically analysed in NVivo against the analytic framework.

Critical tensions are surfaced in the praxis of multi-agency, child welfare responses to “county lines” affected young people. Generalising these findings to the child welfare sector at large, it is proposed that the contextual dynamics of child harm via “county lines” must be understood in a broader sense, including how multi-agency child welfare practices contribute to the harm experienced by young people.

There are limited peer-reviewed analyses of child welfare responses to “county lines”. This paper contributes to that limited scholarship, extending the analysis by adopting a critical analytic framework to a regional county lines partnership at the juncture of future national, child welfare responses to “county lines”.

The purpose of this paper is to argue that the leadin‘g international actor responsible for the maintenance of peace and security, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), must ensure that they strictly abide by accepted fundamental human rights norms when promulgating and enforcing resolutions for freezing assets of suspected terrorists.

The paper presents an overview of some fundamental human rights affected by the UN resolutions. It then compares leading case law from both the international (European Court of Justice) and domestic (the UK and the USA) perspectives. Finally, the paper discusses the leading academic critiques before exploring whether the UNSC is right to infringe or derogate from human rights norms in its counter‐terrorism policy. If so, in what circumstances and under what conditions may they be right to do so?

There are several fundamental human rights norms which are not respected by the UNSC in the area of terrorist financing.

Research could be expanded to other courts. Further research should consider additional human rights that were outside the scope of this paper.

The UNSC should allow special advocates on all matters both before the ombudsman and themselves. This should provide greater transparency.

The paper should draw attention to the seemingly incongruous position of the UNSC, tasked with protecting us and our human rights, when in fact they themselves may be breaching them.

The paper will be valuable to governments and regulators that seek to regulate the financial markets. It will also be useful to human rights activists.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the case of the Aspiration, Communication and Transformation campaign conducted by journalism students to counter extremism as a form of experiential learning in Lebanese higher educational context. It documents the views and experiences of students in a service learning (SL) project for redressing a timely social issue.

This study employed a descriptive case study methodology involving a portraiture naturalistic approach for data gathering. It conducted semi-structured interviews with three participating students to learn from their experiences in countering extremism. This was complemented by two interviews with the instructor in charge of the project and an external stakeholder.

Results emphasized the combination of applying the broadcast technical skills of the course to countering extremism in a volatile political context.

The findings are only a mild reflection of countering extremism through SL since it focused on a single case study involving a limited number of participants. However, the study offered common sense conclusions having broader applicability.

This topic is of particular importance to higher educational institutions and communities working on countering extremism through education, particularly in contexts rife with violence and ideological indoctrination.

This paper has social implications on promoting awareness about extremism as a challenging social debacle. It presents workable recommendations for fostering a stronger relationship between higher education institutions and communities to defy extremism. It shows the importance of connecting curricula to community needs.

This paper fills a gap in the literature pertaining to the role of higher education institutions in countering extremism through SL in Lebanon and the MENA region.