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Corruption is widely considered as one of the primary bounds on economic growth. As a result, eradicating corruption takes top priority in development policy. Sadly, most anti-corruption efforts fail. In this policy brief, we explain why an overt focus on eradicating corruption is misguided. We address two problems. Firstly, there is insufficient proof that eradicating corruption is a necessity to kickstart or promote rapid economic growth, in contrast to a dominant view in development circles. An overt focus on combating corruption risks wasting funds in development policy. Secondly, most anti-corruption efforts in development fail because they treat the symptom instead of the root causes. Anti-corruption efforts can be improved by working much more holistically in development policy.

Our goal with this policy brief is to encourage those working in economic development to rethink their approach to anti-corruption. By highlighting relevant insights from the academic literature which have largely remained unrecognised in development policy, and adding concrete policy recommendations, we hope to spur change in the primacy which is often granted to anti-corruption efforts.

This paper attempts to develop a simple, static model of tax administration that is capable of explaining the widespread collusive petty tax administration corruption observed in developing countries.

This paper utilizes a positivist research framework and adopts a theoretical method of analysis, although secondary data will also be mentioned to support theoretical arguments whenever it is appropriate to do so.

A high rate of collusive tax corruption is inevitable in developing countries.

The model is static and needs to be extended into a dynamic model.

Traditional enforcement tools such as higher audits or a higher penalty regime against tax evasion do not work. Tax simplification can lessen the incidence of tax corruption.

Fighting tax corruption requires significant changes in the attitudes of taxpayers and tax auditors.

This paper combines the literature on Kantian economics and tax compliance in an innovative fashion.

This study aims to examine the participation of the Parliament of Tanzania in the fight against corruption in the country.

A desk-based research approach based on the review of documents and legal instruments was used.

The results of this study show that the Parliament of Tanzania has a chequered performance in fighting corruption. While it has passed several anti-corruption-related laws and in some respects succeeded to hold a few government officials accountable for the abuse of public office, there is little evidence to demonstrate its contribution at fighting this conundrum. Factors contributing to this deficiency include irresponsiveness to corruption allegations involving Members of Parliament, parliament’s remote oversight of the anti-corruption agency and shrinking democratic space in the parliament.

Tanzania has relatively high corruption levels. The country’s Development Vision 2025 envisages a nation free of corruption. Hence, efforts are needed from public and private sectors to overcome this conundrum. The parliament holds a special place in that fight. Through its representation, legislative and oversight roles and powers, parliament has a wider opportunity to strengthen anti-corruption in the country. This study shows that the Parliament of Tanzania has not been very effective in that regard. It offers suggestions to strengthen the parliament’s position and engagement to fight corruption.

There is scanty literature on the role of the Parliament of Tanzania in fighting corruption. This study is seminal, as it investigates the Tanzanian anti-corruption arsenal from a crucial organ that is vested with constitutional powers to make laws and oversee the executive and its agencies.

Debt sustainability and the growing level of external debt in sub-Saharan African (SSA) continue to be significant research priorities. This study aims to examine the corruption-external debt nexus in SSA economies and whether different levels of corruption better explain this relationship.

The panel quantile regression approach was applied to account for the heterogeneous effect of the exogenous variables on external debts. The research covers 30 years of panel data from 30 selected SSA economies for the period spanning from 2000 to 2021.

The empirical findings of the regression analysis demonstrate the heterogeneous influences of the exogenous variables on external debt. While there was a positive impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows on external debts, corruption established a negative relationship with external debt from the 10th to the 80th quantile. The findings showed a positive link between trade openness and external debt, while they also showed a negative relationship between gross fixed capital formation and external debt.

It is implied that corruption “sands the wheels” of external debts in the selected SSA countries. Therefore, the amount of external debt that flows into SSA is inversely correlated with corruption activity.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study is one of the first to use panel quantile regression to analyze how corruption affects debt dynamics across different levels of debt, allowing for a more nuanced understanding of how corruption affects debt dynamics. Based on the findings of this study, SSA countries should create enabling environments to attract FDI inflows and to continue to drive domestic revenue mobilization and capital so as to be less dependent on external debts.

This chapter explores the evolution of the media framings of a corporate corruption scandal over time. Our analysis focuses on the evolution of media frames used by the English and French Press in the coverage of the corruption scandal involving SNC-Lavalin, a Quebec-based multinational engineering firm. We reveal how media coverage shifted from balanced and nuanced coverage of a complex phenomenon that facilitated debates on the appropriate consequences of corruption to a selective (re)construction of events to serve partisan agendas when the company’s legal plight was politicized. Our study contributes to the literature on media framings of corporate corruption by highlighting how the politicization of a corporate corruption scandal led to a dual climate of opinion across the English and French Press.

The purpose of this study is to explore the role of e-government in reducing corruption and achieving transparency from the perspective of citizens and public servants of the National Statistics and Information Authority in Afghanistan.

This study applies a mixed-method research design to explore whether e-government can combat corruption and increase transparency in the public sector of a developing nation. The data collection involves a survey of (n = 280) citizens and interviews with six National Statistics and Information Authority public servants. Data analysis includes descriptive statistics, Spearman’s correlation for the survey and qualitative content analysis for the interviews.

The results of this study reveal that e-government distributes and decentralizes power among public servants, reduces corruption and promotes transparency and accountability by reporting corruption through social media, online complaint forms, emails and the 450 toll-free number. In addition, the major factors are identified that reduce corruption through e-government.

This study proposes a model for using e-government that has implications for designers, developers and policymakers to create user-friendly systems that reduce bureaucracy and physical interactions with public servants while minimizing paper-based systems.

Governments can reduce corruption among high-ranking public servants by implementing a decentralized system that prevents system manipulation. This involves measures like surveillance, ICT training, process automation, reduced bureaucracy, simplified procedures and real-time customer support.

Despite the potential of e-government to reduce monopoly power and intermediaries among low-ranking officials, high-ranking Afghan officials still engage in corrupt practices. Nonetheless, 75% of Afghans believe e-government promotes transparency and accountability and reduces corruption.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study in the Afghan public sector that explores the role of e-government to reduce corruption and achieve transparency.

The chapter aims to evaluate the efficacy of stakeholder participation in the solid waste management system of Mauritius in view of providing a possible mechanism to attain the goals of a sustainable waste management framework.

The study employs qualitative indicators, namely, User Inclusivity and Producer Inclusivity of the Wasteaware Benchmark Indicators. Secondary data are used to conduct a critical and comprehensive analysis of the sub-indicators falling under each of the two main indicators to determine the overall compliance level with respect to stakeholder engagement of the waste management sector of Mauritius.

The results of the study show a LOW/MEDIUM compliance level for both User Inclusivity and Provider Inclusivity indicators, which indicates that improvement is required in the stakeholder engagement mechanism in Mauritius. The main weaknesses identified comprise of lack of an adequate legal framework with clear definition of waste types with regards to segregation, especially for non-hazardous wastes, low efficiency of sustainable waste management awareness campaigns and lack of inclusion of the informal sector. The main strengths identified consist of a proper bidding mechanism in place and a good level of equity in the provision of waste management services with respect to comingled waste collection. Suggested improvement areas include a revamping of the existing legal framework related to waste management to cater for higher inclusivity of all stakeholders together with including sustainable waste management topics in the formal education curriculum.

The User Inclusivity and Producer Inclusivity indicators were previously applied only to cities to measure the level of stakeholder participation, but this study has demonstrated that these indicators can also be adopted on a nation-wide level to evaluate stakeholder engagement. The use of these indicators together with secondary data presents a less time-consuming method to assess stakeholder participation in the waste sector, which can be particularly useful for Small Island Developing States.

The purpose of this study is to look into the concept of blockchain technology which stores data in a distributed, tamper-resistant setting and how this technology may affect the future library and information (LI) centers’ operations and policy. It explores the potential benefits and limitations of this technology, for LI centers are the core objectives of this paper.

A systematic review of both academic and practitioner literature was conducted. It followed the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (2020) standards.

The review shows that the decentralized nature of blockchain will transform the work in libraries and improve the inter-communication among communities. It can provide better privacy of user data thus increasing collaboration. However, there might be technological, financial, legal and social challenges that may act as hurdles to the realization of these goals in the true sense. The overall result shows that by keeping data updated, libraries can evaluate blockchain opportunities and make the best use of this technology.

Given the huge investments by industry, academic research that explores potential ramifications and supports libraries is required. The adoption of blockchain was investigated in this study from a variety of perspectives for LI center’s while also providing directions for future research.

It is evident that globally there is progress in blockchain technology development in terms of research and adoption in many industries, but the intention to adopt blockchain by libraries is still a fantasy. The lack of empirical evidence in the existing literature justifies the gap that needs to be filled. This systematic review attempts to fill the gaps in the existing knowledge which may serve as a reference for future initiatives in this field.

This paper aims to provide an analysis of National Accountability Ordinance 1999 (NAO) after June 2022 amendments. It raises a key question whether the new legislation is effective and improves anti-corruption operating system in Pakistan.

This paper performs an analysis of recent amendments incorporated in NAO from the observations of superior courts, United Nations Corruption Convention and Financial Action Task Force (FATF) guidelines and also evaluates new legislation in terms of effectiveness in anti-corruption campaign.

This paper finds that ample amendments are inessential, and thus may largely jeopardize accountability process; changes appear to be intentionally crafted to benefit some selected group of people: the definition of asset is compressed; the onus of proof is shifted on the informer; and provisions of money trail, foreign evidence and protection of approver are abolished; such changes defy to the UN Corruption Convention and FATF guidelines. A legislation endorsed from all stakeholders is suggested; additionally, improved strategies proposed to strengthen accountability process while keeping in view the constitutional issues relevant in the course of anti-corruption investigations.

This paper is unique in the context of the anti-corruption strategies in Pakistan, highlighting the legal laxness of new government regarding corruption and money laundering.

The non-executive Chairman, Chaturvedi, must lead the Board of Directors of ICICI Bank as it deals with the adverse findings by a former Supreme Court judge against Ms. Chanda Kochhar, the former Chief Executive of the Bank. She had not disclosed a conflict of interest regarding a loan to a corporate group that had business dealings with her husband. Months earlier, the Board had exonerated her and also allowed her to retire from the Bank. Could and should the Board now reclassify Kochhar's retirement as ‘Termination for Cause’ and claw back her past bonuses?