Purpose – This chapter elucidates the post–Second World War development of Western agricultural policy. It focuses primarily on the influence that the European Union and the United States have had on global policy evolution.
Design/methodology/approach – The chapter draws on historical sources and other secondary data.
Findings – The chapter documents how agriculture was never seen as a sector commes les autres. Agricultural exceptionalism became practice, never falling easily under the rubric of those organisations, like the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade or the World Trade Organization, that were designed to reduce impediments to trade. As a result, trade in agricultural goods even today remains tightly controlled by national governments, seen most clearly with the EU's Common Agricultural Policy. Further, the chapter documents the rise of productivism in the West, where the search for ever more, and cheaper, calories provided the rationale that bigger is better – bigger farms, bigger machinery, more technology inputs into agriculture, but fewer people working them, and fewer farms, which leads to questions about their sustainability and resilience in an era of climate change. The chapter ends with an acknowledgement of a changed world – where Brazil, China and India exert more influence in international trade negotiations, including those relating to agriculture. Their differing agenda in this area helps to explain, in part, the wreckage of the Doha Round of the WTO.
Originality/value – By identifying the main lines of post-1945 Western agricultural policy, the chapter provides context into which the authors contributing to this volume are able to place their chapters. The chapter also addresses a lacuna in the literature in that it deals with the entire sweep of post-war Western agricultural policy in a way that makes it accessible to the reader.
On joining the EU in 1995 Finland had to adopt its national agricultural policies to follow the principles of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), its accompanying…
On joining the EU in 1995 Finland had to adopt its national agricultural policies to follow the principles of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), its accompanying measures and the environmental legislation of the EU. This led to changes in the national decision making processes, administrative procedures and operational practices. In this paper institutional analysis is used to describe and interpret these changes and the significance of these changes for policy development. The results show that learning is a key for successful policy process.
Cyprus has recently applied for full membership of the EuropeanCommunity (EC). As a member of the Community, Cyprus will experienceeconomic (political) costs and benefits…
Cyprus has recently applied for full membership of the European Community (EC). As a member of the Community, Cyprus will experience economic (political) costs and benefits. Examines the static costs and benefits for Cyprus′s national income from the application of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). The CAP will cause two types of income transfers between Cyprus and the rest of the EC: transfers through the Community′s budget; and direct income transfers from Cyprus′s consumers to the Community′s producers and vice versa in the form of higher prices. Using data for 1986 and 1987, demonstrates that Cyprus will have positive budgetary gains and net direct income transfers from Cypriot consumers to EC producers. The latter outweigh the former and the total outcome is a loss for Cyprus′s national income.
During the past two decades Croatia has faced numerous challenges: gaining independence, war conflicts, political and economic transition and the process of European Union…
During the past two decades Croatia has faced numerous challenges: gaining independence, war conflicts, political and economic transition and the process of European Union (EU) accession. Despite rich and diversified landscapes and cultural heritage, it is still faced with problems limiting the economic development. So the purpose of this chapter is to point out the pragmatic reasons of Croatian delay in the process of adjustment to European business and agricultural policy standards.Based on statistic and literature analysis, the study determines specific characteristics of Croatian regions, rural areas, rural population and agriculture. Agriculture after independence shows increase in utilized area, but the production is still below pre-war level and results with unsteady and modest value. Harmonization with Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) standards is slow; big steps have been made in establishing new institutions in agriculture and preparing adequate legislative framework, so there are no significant formal differences between Croatian and European agricultural policy. However, European agricultural policy models cause problems. There is a daily debate about a low degree of self-sufficiency of the domestic production, low competitiveness and uncontrolled import of farm products. Farmers still often expect for the government to organize the production and guarantee the purchase prices as were in former, socialistic system.Due to these reasons, a fear was expressed by farmers that they could not be able to meet the strict criteria for the European financing. Despite this, a large part of farmers see the possibilities for their existence in rural areas, mostly through development of non-agricultural activities.
China's Government in 2015 announced its goal of stabilizing the use of fertilizers and pesticide by the year 2020. However, implementation of effective policies is not…
China's Government in 2015 announced its goal of stabilizing the use of fertilizers and pesticide by the year 2020. However, implementation of effective policies is not straightforward, while one may even argue that the policy goal is by far not ambitious enough. Hence, it is useful to look at experiences of other countries that have gone through a similar process. In this paper, the authors explicitly consider the case of European Union's (EU’s) policies aimed at greening agriculture. The choice for the EU is motivated by the fact that the EU is about 35 years ahead of China in implementing a policy agenda to counter the problems China is facing now.
In this paper, the authors focus on agricultural inputs, in particular fertilizer and pesticides, as well as land use and their impact on food safety, air and water quality, soil degradation, greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and biodiversity. Policies related to those issues are discussed for both, China and the EU. Given that implementation and monitoring are critical for the success of policies, the authors also discuss how policies are implemented and monitored under different governance and institutional conditions.
From the EU experiences, positive and negative, three central lessons are drawn: (1) China should strive for cross compliance but in two steps. In the first step, arrangements for on-farm monitoring must be made, coupled with a pilot program of cross-compliance conditions for large farms in selected counties; in the second step, cross-compliance requirements must be introduced for all farmers, with additional funds for rural development in vulnerable areas. (2) Strong stakeholder commitment should be sought in the formulation as well as implementation of greening policies. (3) Monitoring of greening results should be harmonized and standardized across the country, with a limited number of indicators.
This paper contributes to the policy discussion by comparing the agricultural greening measures in the EU (which was some 35 years ago in the same situation as China now) with the measures taken in China so far.
The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of the trading relationship in agricultural goods that the United Kingdom (UK) will have when it leaves the European…
The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of the trading relationship in agricultural goods that the United Kingdom (UK) will have when it leaves the European Union (EU). The decision of the UK to leave the EU has raised many questions, including some on the nature of the trading relationship that the UK will have with the EU and third countries once it leaves the EU.
For agriculture, the UK will need to develop its own agricultural policy as it will no longer be subject to the Common Agricultural Policy and one constraint on the development of that policy will be the Agreement on Agriculture concluded at the end of the Uruguay Round negotiations.
This paper examines the three pillars of that Agreement – market access, domestic support and export competition – to determine the commitments that the UK may make in each pillar and then looks at two other relevant agreements, the SPS Agreement and the TBT Agreement, to complete the discussion of the scope of the UK nascent agricultural policy.
The value of the paper lies in the discussion of the obligations to be assumed by the UK under the Agreement on Agriculture and the contours of UK agricultural policy once it leaves the EU.
Purpose – This chapter explores the way in which the food crisis of 2008 and issues of food security have impinged upon debates about agriculture and agricultural support…
Purpose – This chapter explores the way in which the food crisis of 2008 and issues of food security have impinged upon debates about agriculture and agricultural support in Scotland.
Methodology/approach – Adopting a discourse analytic approach, a series of pivotal Scottish agricultural policy documents produced between 2001 and 2010 are examined. Official agricultural policy discourse over time is traced as is the nature of that discourse as the food crisis impinged upon and altered the context of debates about agricultural policy reform.
Findings – The chapter finds that prior to the food crisis, agricultural policy documents were dominated by neoliberal discourse that emphasised the importance of agriculture becoming more oriented towards the market and by a growing emphasis on multifunctionality. But after the food crisis, the dominant political rhetoric utilised different arguments to defend agricultural subsidies and argue for a continuing role for the state in perpetuating agricultural production. It is suggested, however, that the key factor in this retrenchment to continued farm support was not the food crisis per se; rather, it was the intersection of issues of food security with the rise to power of the Scottish nationalists and their resistance to the UK's neoliberal position.
Originality/value – The chapter provides the key insight that, for Scotland at least, the food crisis did not spark a change in domestic agricultural policies, but rather became an argumentative resource that was opportunistically deployed in established debates about agricultural policy reform.
The agricultural and fisheries sectors of Spain and Portugal, the new member states of the European Community, are relatively more important than those in the rest of the…
The agricultural and fisheries sectors of Spain and Portugal, the new member states of the European Community, are relatively more important than those in the rest of the Common Market, making a greater contribution to production, but needing more in the way of funds from the Common Agricultural Policy. The marketing, trade and policy implications of the Iberian peninsula's accession to the EC are examined, and it is seen that the importance of “Mediterranean” products will increase, and this enlargement is likely to increase the urgency of reform of the Common Agricultural Policy.