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This study aimed to investigate the relationship between teachers' perceptions on diversity perspectives in schools and their happiness at work (HAW) levels.

A correlational survey model was used in the study, and the stratified sample consisted of 768 teachers in public high schools in a province in the west of Turkey.

The result of hierarchical regression analysis showed that integration-and-learning, colour blindness and fairness diversity perspectives significantly predicted HAW. However, reinforcing homogeneity and access perspectives did not predict HAW. While positive affect, one of the dimensions of HAW, was predicted by integration-and-learning, colour blindness and fairness perspectives, negative affect was predicted by integration-and-learning and colour blindness perspectives. Moreover, fulfilment, the other dimension of HAW, was predicted by integration-and-learning and fairness perspectives.

School administrators can use the findings to increase teacher happiness at schools, developing proactive diversity management perspectives.

The decline in attendance at historically Black colleges and universities and their existence is as much about the theoretical frameworks of social knowledge that exist within a putative post-racial society as it is about the systemic destabilization of educational institutions that produce a critical mass of Black and Brown professional through, inter alia, neoliberal narratives of individualism. What impact does framing have on erroneous beliefs about the efficacy of HBCUs? In the context of America's historical and current sociopolitical environment, HBCUs are more than educative spaces for Black students. HBCUs are places where the transformative practices of rhetorical criticism and collective action can uproot attitudes and theories that lead Blacks students to believe the marginalized outcomes they experience are their own fault over systemic racial discrimination.

Strategic race‐blindness (purposely avoiding mention of a target's ethnicity to appear unprejudiced) potentially hinders eyewitness testimony.

The current study examined whether participant and interviewer race affected the recollection of black, white or Western Asian individuals, where it was indicated the targets were criminal or not. Data were gathered using a cognitive interview‐type methodology whereby stimulus questioning was open, rather than prompted. After a short interval participants spontaneously described the targets and the point at which race was used as a descriptor was noted.

There was a clear effect of differential race mentioning in free recall by participants. However, multi‐level ordinal logistic regression found neither race of the interviewer nor race of the participant (or their interaction) influenced the mentioning of the race of the face in the photograph. This remained irrespective of the guilt of the person in the stimulus picture.

Extending the paradigm to persons of Western Asian heritage enabled strategic race bias to be considered in the context of persons sometimes regarded as being sympathetic to terrorism. Gathering information using the cognitive interview makes out study closer to the process by which the police in the UK are trained to gather information.

The purpose of the chapter is to explore perceptions of the Obama presidency among a purposive sample of students attending Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs).

The methodology involved structured focus groups (n = 20) and on-line questionnaires (n = 180).

A majority (72%) felt that the Obama presidency had increased their sense of racial pride and less than half (43%) reported that it had enhanced their confidence in the US political system. Most students rejected the idea of unconditional support for Obama and 45% disagreed that the presidency was “worth the price of the ticket,” that is, worth any cost just to have a black president in office. The majority also agreed that the President must serve all and not any particular racial group. Most of the undergraduates rated his two terms in office as “successful” and many cited racism as a cause of opposition to his initiatives. Most also rejected the notion of color blindness.

Regarding policy priorities, the majority of students felt that it was a good idea to pursue health care reform and most felt that the roll out debacle was “not his fault”; nearly half disagreed with the use of military drones to attack terrorists; 75% agreed with his approach to immigration reform; and 63% agreed with his stance on the same sex marriage.

Research limitations are that non-random sampling was used, which does not allow for generalizations regarding other HBCU or Atlanta University Center students. The study is original in that most research works on perceptions of this presidency have been based on party affiliation or age and ignored perspectives of HBCU students.

This paper aims to present a detailed description of Tukuchiy, a framework to dynamically generate adapted user interfaces. Tukuchiy is based on Runa-Kamachiy, a conceptual integration model that combines human–computer interaction (HCI) standards to create user interfaces with user-centered concepts usually addressed by adaptation.

The first step was the definition of three profiles: user, context and interface. These profiles contain information, such as user disabilities, location characteristics (e.g. illumination) and preferences (e.g. interface color or type of system help). The next step is to define the rules that ensure usability for different users. All of this information is used to create the Tukuchiy framework, which generates dynamic user interfaces, based on the specified rules. The last step is the validation through a prototype called Idukay. This prototype uses Tukuchiy to provide e-learning services. The functionality and usability of the system was evaluated by five experts.

To validate the approach, a prototype of Tukuchiy, called Idukay, was created. Idukay was evaluated by experts in education, computing and HCI, who based their evaluation in the system usability scale (SUS), a standard usability test. According to them, the prototype complies with the usability criteria addressed by Tukuchiy.

This work was tested in an academic environment and was validated by different experts. Further tests in a production environment are required to fully validate the approach.

Tukuchiy generates adapted user interfaces based on user and context profiles. Tukuchiy uses HCI standards to ensure usability of interfaces that dynamically change during execution time. The interfaces generated by Tukuchiy adapt to context, functionality, disabilities (e.g. color blindness) and preferences (usage and presentation) of the user. Tukuchiy enforces specific HCI standards for color utilization, button size and grouping, etc., during execution.

When young children notice and comment about physical appearance differences often associated with race, adults may experience discomfort and uncertainty about how to respond. As a result, many adults try to avoid or terminate such discussion, leaving children with unanswered questions and misunderstandings. To prepare educators to be supportive of the development of children’s positive racial identity and racial awareness, it is important for educators to examine their own attitudes, biases, and knowledge about race and racism. This chapter summarizes research on children’s racial identity and awareness, describes critical approaches to anti-racist education, and provides resources and strategies through which professionals can better understand themselves and the young children they serve.

The current study examines developing racial attitudes among a group of African American adolescents. Data for this study include 28 open-ended, qualitative interviews with African American adolescents (64% girls, 36% boys) in Detroit, Michigan, and were drawn from a larger study in which these adolescents and their mothers were interviewed about racial socialization. Data analysis shows adolescents' racial attitudes to be ambivalent and influenced by the dissonance between “color-blind” rhetoric – the idea that “race doesn't matter” – and their everyday experiences, in which race does matter in important ways. Adolescents' reports of racial attitudes and experiences with racism frequently include travel anecdotes, which reveal how place, travel, and negotiating the color line influence their developing ideas about race. The findings suggest that sources beyond parental socialization strongly affect adolescents' developing racial attitudes and identities and that young people's voices should be further utilized in studies examining these issues.

Purpose – Are members of socially dominant groups aware of the privileges they enjoy? We address this question by applying the notion of hypocognition to social privilege. Hypocognition is defined as lacking a rich cognitive or linguistic representation (i.e., a schema) of a concept in question. By social privilege, we refer to advantages that members of dominant social groups enjoy because of their group membership. We argue that such group members are hypocognitive of the privilege they enjoy. They have little cognitive representation of it. As a consequence, their social advantage is invisible to them.

Approach – We provide a narrative review of recent empirical work demonstrating and explaining this lack of expertise and knowledge in socially dominant groups (e.g., White People, men) about discrimination and disadvantage encountered by other groups (e.g., Black People, Asian Americans, women), relative what members of those other groups know.

Findings – This lack of expertise or knowledge is revealed by classic cognitive psychological measures. Relative to members of other groups, social dominant group members generate fewer examples of discrimination that other groups confront, remember fewer instances after being presented a list of them, and are slower to respond when classifying whether these examples are discriminatory.

Social Implications – These classic measures of cognitive expertise about social privilege predict social attitude differences between social groups, specifically whether people perceive the existence of social privilege as well as believe discrimination still exists in contemporary society. Hypocognition of social privilege also carries implications for informal interventions (e.g., acting “colorblind”) that are popularly discussed.

This essay tackles the Obama “phenomenon,” from his candidacy to his election, as a manifestation of the new “color-blind racism” that has characterized U.S. racial politics in the post-civil rights era. Rather than symbolizing the “end of race,” or indeed a “miracle,” Obama's election is a predictable result of contemporary U.S. electoral politics. In fact, Obama is a middle-of-the-road Democrat whose policies since taking office have been almost perfectly in line with his predecessors, especially in terms of his failure to improve the lot of blacks and other minorities. In this essay, I review the concept of color-blind racism and its application to the Obama phenomenon. I also revisit some of my past predictions for Obama's presidency and evaluate their accuracy halfway through his term. Finally, I offer suggestions for constructing a genuine social movement to push Obama and future politicians to provide real, progressive “change we can believe in.”

This chapter is based on a chapter I added for the third edition of my book, Racism without Racists. Louise Seamster, a wonderful graduate student at Duke, helped me update some material, locate new sources, and rework some sections, as well as abridge some of the many footnotes (interested readers can consult the chapter). I kept the first person to maintain the more direct and engaged tone of the original piece and because the ideas (the good, the bad, and the ugly ones) in the chapter are mine, and thus, I wish to remain entirely responsible for them.

Purpose – We investigate the antibias norm, “political correctness” (PC), and explore the consequences of the PC norm for group processes and group performance.

Methodology/approach – We define the term PC as it is used in public discourse and distinguish the PC norm from the related antibias norm of color blindness.

Findings – We suggest that the PC norm may play a unique role in reducing a critical type of uncertainty that would otherwise constrain performance, in particular, group creativity and decision making, in diverse work groups. We then explore the controversial argument that being politically incorrect can actually promote freedom of expression.

Originality/value of chapter – We conclude by reflecting on the costs of the PC norm and why the PC norm may remain prevalent in work groups for some time to come.