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Organisational clans and tribes are entities that prescribe the behaviour of collaborators on the basis of cultural values and norms. Consequently, this study aims to propose a management tool based on the analysis and interpretation of organisational clans and tribes.

With this purpose, first, the authors review the current status of the discussion about organisational clans and tribes, following a sequential mix-method approach that begins with a bibliometric analysis and end with a content review. Based on these results, in the second stage, the authors propose a conceptual tool that analyses clans and tribes in organisations to create and consolidate alliances. Then in the third stage, the authors apply this tool to the transformation of Medellin – a city that was first conceived as violent and now become a good place to live and travel.

By applying the tool proposed in this study, it is possible to analyse and understand how to transform disagreement into alliance and how clans and tribes – in addition to taking a leading role in organising – are jointly responsible for the results.

Clans and tribes of management are proposed as a tool for organisational management from the analysis and interpretation of clans and tribes in organisations. These clans and tribes of management allow for the intervention of clans and tribes of reference and their consequent emancipation, through organisational clans and tribes that arise naturally, by association or disintegration and that support the management of change required to create effective alliances. Thus, the strategy that should be followed to reinforce the management of changes in organisations is to align alliances with organisational clans and tribes.

Definir los clanes y las tribus organizacionales como aquellos que prescriben el comportamiento de los colaboradores a partir de los valores culturales y las normas, plantea la necesidad de proponer una herramienta de gestión a partir del análisis e interpretación de los clanes y las tribus organizacionales.

Para tal fin, se revisa -a través de un análisis bibliométrico- el estado reciente de la discusión sobre los clanes y las tribus organizacionales. Hasta proponer una herramienta conceptual de fácil aplicación, para la creación y consolidación de alianzas. Esta herramienta es posteriormente verificada para el caso de la transformación de la ciudad de Medellín, que paso de ser reconocida como una ciudad violenta para convertirse en un buen vividero y un destino por descubrir.

Con la aplicación de la herramienta propuesta en este estudio, se logra analizar y comprender como ha sido posible transformar la emancipación en alianza, y como los clanes y las tribus además de tener un rol protagónico en la organización son corresponsables de los resultados obtenidos.

Los clanes y tribus de gestión se proponen como una herramienta para la gestión organizacional que parte del análisis e interpretación de los clanes y tribus en las organizaciones. Estos clanes y tribus de gestión permiten la intervención de clanes y tribus de referencia y su consecuente emancipación, a través de clanes y tribus organizacionales que surgen de forma natural, por asociación o desintegración, y que apoyan la gestión del cambio necesario para crear alianzas efectivas. Así, la estrategia que debe seguirse para reforzar la gestión de los cambios en las organizaciones es alinear las alianzas con los clanes y tribus organizacionales.

This paper aims to identify the impact of Clans and parties on mobilizing and guiding voters in the municipal elections in Palestine, from the point of view of Municipal Council members, especially the municipal elections in Hebron governorate for 2005 and 2017. The Palestinian society in Hebron governorate is characterized by the penetration of parties and clans, and this governorate is one of the most clan-based Palestinian provinces. It also relies on clans to run its social and political system as well as managing and shaping the guiding of its citizens.

The quantitative research method was used in this study, and the study population is consisted of members of the municipal councils in Hebron governorate, especially the councils classified (A, B).Whereas, the municipalities classified under category (A) are the ones in the center of the governorate, and the municipalities classified under category (B) are the most in the population. The study depended on a purposive sample of (200) Municipal Council members, including 100 municipal councilors in 2005 and 100 municipal councilors in 2017. The survey was conducted in the academic year (2018–2019). The method Four–Jurors (Reviewers) was used in collecting data.

The results of the study showed that clans and political parties are among the most prominent means of mobilizing and guiding voters in Palestine. The field study indicated thact clans and parties had a high impact on the mobilization and guiding of voters in the municipal elections in Hebron governorate in 2005 and 2017. This is due to the unity of the clan, its association with political parties and the overlapping between the clan and the party. Parties have also penetrated the Palestinian society besides its support to people who are loyal even it did not choose them in the elections. Moreover, many members of the electoral blocs are attributing themselves to the parties to gain their support in elections. Although Hamas did not participate in the 2017 elections, it had an impact on the electoral process by guiding its members not to elect Fatah blocs in the elections, or to support those who are close to this movement.

This study can be regarded as an introduction to identify the impact of clans and parties on mobilizing and guiding voters in the municipal elections in Palestine. Comparing that effect between the 2005 and 2017 elections, to find out how the strength of clans and parties differs in guiding their voters depending on the time period, as well as the ability of clans and parties to make political change by its influence on the political participation of its citizens.

In 1968, Garrett Hardin identified a class of common goods that suffer under traditional market mechanisms. As a result, institutions become pivotal in defining acceptable consumption behavior. This paper describes the results of an agent-based computer simulation used to study how institutional forces shape consumption patterns. The results suggest common-interested behaviors support a greater population at a higher quality of living; however, exclusively common-interested behaviors result in underutilized commons, and the whole is generally less well off. Overall, when populations generally act in the common-interest, the commons, the population and individuals all experience higher quality outcomes than when they act in generally or exclusively self-interested ways. The paper frames further applications in terms of managing growth for long-term sustainability.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the various cultural practices and social relations, which mediates and position men and women among the Ao Nagas of Nagaland and highlight the various barriers and challenges faced by the Ao Naga women by examining the traditional practices.

The various data used in this paper incorporate both primary and secondary data. The information gathered through secondary data includes books and journals and reports. On the other hand, the primary data include unstructured interview, case studies and oral history on the basis of field experiences.

Findings suggest that, Ao Naga women's subordinate position to men can be traced back not only to the prevailing customary laws and tradition but also include a number of factors in their societal affairs which include village formation, where men played a prominent role and thereby, the traditional political seat in the village is denied to women till today. Further, women were kept out of the institution of morung known as Ariju in Ao dialect, where men acquired leadership skills. The strong prevalence of inheritance rules, clanship, succession is held very much intact which seems to affect women's lives to a great extent, along with strong ideologies whereby Naga men are given more honor due to the contributions in safeguarding of village during head hunting days. This high status is enjoyed till today and widely accepted among the people. A deep unequal power sharing among man and woman thus seems to exist in the Ao Naga society.

This research article gives a detailed insight of the Ao Naga women bounded in the domains of customary laws and traditional beliefs.

This study employs Stein Rokkan's methodological approach to analyse state formation in the Greater Middle East. It develops a conceptual framework distinguishing colonial, populist and democratic pacts, suitable for analysis of state formation and nation-building through to the present period. The framework relies on historical institutionalism. The methodology, however, is Rokkan's. The initial conceptual analysis also specifies differences between European and the Middle Eastern state formation processes. It is followed by a brief and selective discussion of historical preconditions. Next, the method of plotting singular cases into conceptual-typological maps is applied to 20 cases in the Greater Middle East (including Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey). For reasons of space, the empirical analysis is limited to the colonial period (1870s to the end of World War 1). Three typologies are combined into one conceptual-typological map of this period. The vertical left-hand axis provides a composite typology that clarifies cultural-territorial preconditions. The horizontal axis specifies transformations of the region's agrarian class structures since the mid-19th century reforms. The right-hand vertical axis provides a four-layered typology of processes of external intervention. A final section presents selected comparative case reconstructions. To the authors' knowledge, this is the first time such a Rokkan-style conceptual-typological map has been constructed for a non-European region.

This work addresses what Michael E. Brown calls the immanence of sociality to individuality. It does so by focusing on the essentially social nature of human consciousness. I explore Durkheim’s analysis of human consciousness, beginning with totemism and concluding with his analysis of German consciousness at the time of World War I. I do so in order to provide some insight into the rise and nature of political movements, with a focus on extreme right wing political groups and leaders today as well as the spirit of the French Revolution in European and American history. With reference to Marx’s early writings on consciousness, spiritual nourishment, and the fettering of forces of production and his later writings on the critical significance of fetishism, and the role of “fictitious” capital, I conclude by claiming that bringing together the insights of Durkheim, Marx, and Spinoza can provide a way to analyze and address the interlocking social, political, economic, and cultural crises of today.

Since Michael Burawoy’s 2004 presidential address to the American Sociological Association, there has been a growing interest among sociologists in “public sociology.” Though controversial in the discipline, public sociology parallels several other “engaged” forms of sociological inquiry, such as service-learning, collaborative research, participatory research, civic engagement, action research, and others. While forms of public sociology are growing among sociologists, there is little linkage with the symbolic interactionist tradition in the discipline. The ethnographic case study presented here attempts to make a link between public sociology and symbolic interactionism. Beginning in 1994 to the present, the author has been involved in the formal and informal recognition efforts of the Pee-Dee Native-American tribe in the author’s home state of South Carolina. The Pee-Dee finally gained state recognition in 2006. The struggle on the part of the tribe to gain state recognition began formally in the early 1970s. The central social issue for the tribe has always revolved around their perceived lack (primarily on the part of the dominant group) in terms of cultural and historical identity. The paradox for the tribe is found in the contradictions between their actual lived historical experience, beginning in colonial times, and the historical interpretation, on the part of earlier historians of the southeast, that the smaller tribes simply “vanished” after 1775. The paradox is also furthered by the stereotypes of what constitutes “real Indians,” which, in many ways, inform the formal recognition requirements by the state. The chapter begins with an exploration of the historical, colonial context, followed with the ethnographic story of my time with the Pee-Dee in the field and our struggle to collaborate on finding a working interpretation of the tribe’s historical and cultural existence as a people. The chapter ends with some thoughts on how a critical symbolic interactionism can promote a successful public sociology project.