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Since their independence from the European colonial powers, most of the countries of the American region have been unable to build solid, stable democracies. Only a few countries in the region today have solid and effective democratic processes, and some of them are even involved in unpredictable situations, such as Bolivia or Venezuela. As a result, the historical march of our democracies has been one of advances and retreats, all of them interrupted at some time in the 20th century.

The definition of a nation-state has changed markedly over the last 50 years. In developing nations, the process of state formation is following a similar pattern as Europe, where several long and brutal wars preceded the creation of the modern nation-states. In particular, the dissolution of Pakistan (formerly East and West Pakistan) in 1971, is an example of this volatile process, which is being repeated in many Asian, African, and even some European countries like Yugoslavia and the former Soviet republics. After the disintegration of Pakistan, the evolution of civilian–military relations in that nation presents an excellent case study about the civilian–military balance and directed democracy. The question that arises is whether this scenario, which started initially in some Southeast Asian countries such as Taiwan and Korea, will continue in the emerging countries in other parts of Asia and Africa. Only time will tell whether the institutional development of these fragile new nations will someday achieve the same stability as the developed world.

Two concurrent changes are raising questions about the interplay between armed forces and local governments in contemporary urban settings. The first one is the spatial reorganisation of armed forces that has been taking place in most European countries since the end of the Cold War. The second one is the redistribution of political authority between levels of governments that has increased the relevance of cities and transformed urban governance. The chapter conceptualises the military administration as an urban actor, whose material and symbolic resources in cities transform over time. It investigates both the effects of a (changing) military presence on urban policies, and how those changes are framed and managed by local governments. The case under consideration is the city of Taranto (Southern Italy), one among the biggest military ports on the Mediterranean Sea. Here, transformations of defence policies opened a window of opportunity for a new urban policy agenda, whose goal is a partial differentiation from military activities. During the last ten years, local political elites have been undertaking several strategies for military spaces redevelopment. However, uneven power relations prevent civilian-military bargain: redevelopment strategies are the result of either local military initiative or central State decisions.

Sharing services increasingly extends beyond intraorganizational concentration of service delivery. Organizations have started to promote cooperation across their boundaries to deal with strategic tensions in their value ecosystem, moving beyond traditional outsourcing. This chapter addresses two research questions geared to the challenge of interorganizational shared services (ISS): why would organizations want to get and remain involved in ISS? And: what are the implications of ISS for (inter)organizational value creation?

The conceptual chapter reviews literature pertaining to ISS from public, commercial, and nongovernmental sectors. ISS is understood as a multistakeholder organizational innovation. In order to analyze ISS and conduct empirical research, we developed a taxonomy and research framework.

The chapter shows how ISS can be positioned in value chains, distinguishing vertical, horizontal, and hybrid ISS. It outlines ISS implications for developing business models, structures, and relationships. Success factors and barriers are presented that epitomize the dynamic interplay of organizational autonomy and interorganizational dependence.

The research framework offers conceptual ideas for theoretical and empirical work. Researchers involved in ISS studies may adopt strategic, strategic innovation, and organizational innovation perspectives.

ISS phases are distinguished to focus innovation management — initiation, enactment, and evaluation. Furthermore, insights are provided into processes and interventions aimed at making ISS a success for participating organizations.

Cross-sectoral perspective on ISS; taxonomy of ISS; research framework built on organization and strategic management literature.

A unique regional scenario marked by a low probability of interstate-armed conflicts and the commitment to the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has been a good framework for the success of measures like peaceful solutions to controversies, economic cooperation, foreign affairs agreements and mutual confidence measures in the defense arena. At the same time, it has also redefined Latin American military organizations. The strategic planning of the armed forces through the conflict hypothesis pattern has been replaced by the hypothesis of convergence. Therefore, the focus has gone from deterrence to the development of capacities, among which are the peacekeeping capacities that became a priority for many countries of the region. In this sense, the aim of the article is to analyze the participation of Latin America in peacekeeping operations, in order to propose as a final point an ideal type of a Latin American peacekeeper.

Purpose – The aim of the chapter is to analyze the multinational collaboration between troops-contributing countries, and between military and civilian personnel at UNIFIL's headquarters in South-Lebanon.

Methodology/approach – The methodological approach consisted of semi-structured interviews and participatory observation.

Findings – The multinational collaboration at the HQ was satisfactory, although not optimal as mutual stereotyping continued to exist. Western military personnel still prefers to operate in a NATO framework and resent some of the civil servants’ privileges. This hampers a smooth civil–military cooperation to some extent.

Originality/value of the paper – Few qualitative studies have looked at how participating nations collaborate at missions’ headquarters. This study provides a look inside the daily work of military and civilian personnel at the operational level and, consequently, offers insights for improving multinational collaboration in future (peace) operations.

The EU harmonisation has created changes in the military's formal and informal influence in the directions of decreased formal and informal military influence in civilian politics. The EU reforms have created changes in the mindset of the citizens, by creating changes in the security culture of the citizens and in the civil-military related political culture. The desired level of alignment has not been reached. Therefore, the study examines the areas where further alignment is required. Moving from Rebecca L. Schiff's concordance theory, the article examines the relationship between the Turkish military, the civilian politics and the society before and after the EU harmonisation process. It examines the effects of the EU harmonisation process on the changes in the civil-military balance of power, and on the related security culture and political values. The analysis focuses on: (i) increased civilian control and consequent changes in the policy of accountability; (ii) transparency building in the defence sector; (iii) parliamentary oversight; and (iv) the change in the political culture related to the civil-military issues. It also investigates the extent the EU harmonisation has achieved in building democratic civil-military relations in order to align with the EU standards.

We develop a multiperiod contest theory model to formulate the role of decentralization in coups decision and outcome. In our model the coup plotter chooses between carrying out a coup and subordination, the central government responds by fighting against the plotter, and the local government chooses whether to confront the military government after a successful coup. The model shows that more decentralized countries will experience longer military regime after a successful coup, but the relationship between decentralization and the risk of coups is nonmonotonic. We suggest that there may exist negative consequences of decentralization: Depending on the initial conditions, decentralization may increase the coup risks and jeopardize political stability.